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Advances in Research, 4 1. Strhan, Anna I want there to be no glass ceiling: Sociological Research Online, 22 1. Steffen Erdle, who wrote one of the most brilliant analyses of the late Ben Ali regime, describes the political consequences of the cross-sectional character of the UGTT as follows: The involvement of the members of the UGTT, who forced the leadership to participate in the revoluti- on from January 10 onwards, was a crucial factor for the success of the revolution that forced President Ben Ali to leave the country on January The UGTT also played an extremely important role in the following days.
Ministers from the UGTT, who had been appointed to the transitional government, withdrew from their positions within days. This forced the regime to make a real change and prevented a development like the one in Egypt, where the regime managed to stay in power and only the president and the head of state changed.
The trade unions continue to be one of the driving forces of change in Tunisia today. Beinin and Lockman mention thirty-eight 11 http: The early labor movement in Egypt was closely connected to the anti-colonial struggle against British rule. Despite its formal independence in , British influence remained intact during Egyptian independence until the revolution of the Free Officers in However, this revolution did not result in a democrat- ic republic. The ETUF functioned as the sole legal representative of the Egyptian workers, but not as an authentic trade union.
Trade-union elections have always been rigged, with oppositional elements from communists to Muslim Brothers banned from running as candidates for trade-union committees. There have never been direct elections for the executive committees of the twenty-three national general unions or the ETUF executive committee, thus guaran- teeing that they remain safely in the hands of the regime loyalists. While defending the Nasser revolution against its enemies, they criticized the lack of progress towards so- cialism and the lack of independent working class organizations, including trade unions.
However, many of these early labor activists were orthodox Marxists and thus more interested in a vanguard party than trade unions. The conditions of the working class in Egypt continued to deteriorate in the s, but the new millennium brought with it a new labor activism that chal- lenged the regime. With roots in the left, its leadership soon tried to concentrate on independent NGO activities to promote the rights of workers to organize. These activities started in Hewlan, an industrial town in the south of Cairo, but have since expanded to four other main centers in different parts of Egypt.
As Kamal Abbas has pointed out, its main goals are to help workers establish democratic organizations and to enable them to fight for their social and economic rights to strike, to organize and to improve their working conditions Abbas According to the Land Center for Human Rights, there were collective actions in , in and in Beinin a, p. The largest strikes occurred among the textile workers of the Misr Spinning and Weaving Company14 in al-Mahalla al-Kubra. Interestingly, many women played an important role in this strike and fought more militantly than their male counterparts see Beinin b, p.
The strike and occupation of the Misr Spinning and Weaving Company of was of extreme importance because it was one of the first successful strikes in many years and it thus demonstrated the significance of collective action to other workers. On the fourth day of the occupation panicking government officials offered a day bonus and gave assurances that the company would not be pri- vatized.
The strike was suspended, with the govern- ment-controlled trade-union federation humiliated by the success of the unauthorized action. This victory reverberated throughout the textile sec- tor, and in subsequent months thousands of workers in at least ten mills in Alexandria and the Delta participated in protests ranging from strikes and slowdowns to collective action if they did not get what the Mahalla strikers won. In almost all cases the government conceded. All of these struggles were organized by grassroots activists and not by the official trade unions of the ETUF.
However, this grassroots labor activism came at a high price for many activists. Hamdy Hussein, a communist unionist of the textile workers in al-Mahalla al- Kubra, who was elected into the ETUF-committee of the Misr Spinning and Weaving Company, was arrested thirteen times and spent more than four years altogether in prison. Like most political prisoners, he was also tortured in prison Hussein Joel Beinin summarizes the expanding struggles in the following: In mid, collective actions spread from their centre of gravity in the textile and clothing industry to encompass building material workers, urban transport workers, the Cairo underground Metro workers, railway workers, food processing workers, bakers, sanitation workers, oil work- 14 This is the largest single company in Egypt, with around 27, workers.
White collar workers and civil servants, univer- sity professors, doctors, and other professionals joined the movement. Most notable in this sector was a strike of 55, real estate tax collectors throughout Egypt in December. However, when opposition activists were elected into committees of the ETUF, they were ignored by the leadership appointed by the regime. Left-wing grassroots trade unionist Hamdy Hussein said in an interview that he and his colleagues were not even given an appointment with the ETUF leadership when they wanted to discuss the problems of their colleagues Hussein However, grassroots activists like Hamdy Hussein, who worked within the ETUF but also challenged its leadership, played an important role in the devel- opment of a new labor movement that included the establishment of new trade unions independent of the ETUF.
Because the promises of the regime were not fulfilled in , the strikes at the Misr Spinning and Weaving Company continued throughout and In early April , they grew into a general uprising in al-Mahalla al-Kubra. A general strike was proclaimed for the 6th of April. The authorities reacted with panic, and hundreds of security guards took control of the Mahalla textile factories before work began, seizing workers and forcing them to work.
The police reacted with extreme violence against the protests. They used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition against protesters. Two people, including a year-old boy, were killed. Leaders of opposition parties were detained, and many of them were tor- tured and raped in custody. Many new trade unions had already formed during the last years of the Mubar- ak regime, but most of them had not yet been legalized.
Moreover, the demand that the maximum wage should never exceed minimum wage by more than ten times. Freeing all detainees imprisoned after January Many of the trade union leaders believe that the threat that the public sector would start a general strike and paralyze the whole country was the main reason why the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces SCAF expelled Mubarak from power on February 11 and took over the country interviews with Hussein, al-Beyali and Hifny Activists from trade unions and left-wing parties all stress the importance of the growing independent trade unions movement in Egypt.
Although many trade union leaders are very skeptical towards the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces 15 http: Textile workers unionist Hamdy Hussein states: The independent trade union is growing stronger day by day. Every day new trade union committees are established. We believe that this will result in — maybe not only one — but several strong trade union federations. After new elections for the official trade unions these independent unions could organize together with the official unions in one strong unified trade unions federation. On September 10, , tens of thousands of teachers from Cairo and the surrounding cities and villages demanded higher salaries, reforms in the education system and the resignation of the minister of education Ahmed Gamal El-din Moussa.
Through participatory observation, not only the anger of the teachers was noted, but also a very well organized and disciplined demonstration. Participants complained about their extremely low wages and spoke about having to work second and third jobs to survive. A strike by post office clerks during the same period received very different reactions. People who did not receive their pension checks due to the strike openly attacked striking post office clerks and even verbally harassed them. Additionally, the new trade union movement is far from being unified.
Nine of them were from Cairo, four from small towns in the Delta and the Fayyum region. All of them complained about extremely low salaries.
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All of them had a second job, eight of them even a third job. Consequently, they are unable to concentrate on their jobs as a teacher. The efforts that teachers invest in their students are therefore extremely low and corruption is a common problem in Egyptian schools. These developments continued the last months between the original production and the publication of this paper.
In January the specialist for the Egyptian labor movement Joel Beinin19 summarizes: The split has undermined the fledgling independent trade union movement. On August 16, the Egyptian prime minister Essam Sharaf ordered the executive board of the ETUF to dissolve in order to comply with a court ruling that stipulated that the board was illegitimate because it had been selected by fraudulent elections. Trotskyist groups have also tried to organize a political party — the so-called Workers Democratic Party — together with several unionists.
This party aims at hav- ing workers as the main players and leaders of the party joined by a number of intellectuals. However, it is difficult to say how many trade unionists really support the new party and other union activists. It does not matter if they are Muslim Brothers, communists or something else. However, it is safe to say that, for now, the trade unions are a much stronger force than the political parties that failed in the first free elections in late and early The party coalition The Revolution Continues, which unites most left-wing parties, only won 2.
Also the repression of trade unionists seems to be growing. It might be early for a final judgment on the labor policy of the new gov- ernment under Muhammed Mursi, but the Muslim Brotherhood, dominated by small businessmen is definitely not known to be labor friendly. Many of the unions are increase their membership and new unions, including unions of vulnerable groups like female housemaids25, are founded. It will not be an easy game for the new Egyptian government to ignore these changes in the Egyptian working class.
Unionism in the Gulf region Trade unions also played a crucial role in the protest movement in Bahrain. The law recognizes the right of workers to organize collectively and contains regulations for strikes, although it also restricts activities for certain essential services. Protests of international trade unions and human rights organizations like amnesty international could not prevent the authorities from punishing them. However, the KTUF only organizes workers in the public sector. Do- mestic and maritime workers are not permitted to organize.
Migrant workers, who make up about 80 percent of the workforce, are only permitted to become KTUF members if they have resided in Kuwait for at least five years. They are not permitted to run for any trade union posts. The GFOTU still has many limitations, especially regarding organizing foreign workers, but it managed to become a strong federation with seventy different in- dividual unions by the time it held its Founding Congress on February 15, Government employees and non-Qatari nationals, who make up the majority of the workforce, are not allowed to unionize.
Ninety-four percent of workers are migrants in Qatar. Less than 20 percent of the inhabitants of this federation of absolutist monarchies are nationals who are in the upper class of their country. Literally all blue-collar workers are Indian, Pakistani, Palestinian or other Arab nationals and can be easily deported for any political activity.
In Saudi Arabia there are also no legal trade unions. It still does not grant workers the right to organise, bargain collectively or strike. In reality many of these workers do not have any rights in Saudi Arabia. Many are victims of violence by their employers, but also by officials of the state. Foreign workers regularly become victims of the extremely brutal Saudi penal code, based on the Wahhabi interpretation of Sharia law.
Between watchdogs of the regimes and class struggle Along with the monarchies in the Gulf region, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya and Algeria also have a long history as republics as well as an urban tradition and some industrialization already in the early twentieth century. Some of them also have a history of armed anti-colonial struggle. Additionally, the Algerian FLN 35 http: However, the loosely organized General Confederation of Lebanese Workers CGTL is also suffering under sectarian divisions and has never recovered from its decline during the civil war.
A special case is Sudan, which has a long history of an independent labor movement that is now repressed by the current regime see Fawzi ; Warburg ; Niblock ; Schmidinger and Nevertheless, under the conditions of a revolutionary mass movement, they could play an important role similar to the UGTT in Tunisia. Presently, the GFTU links trade unions with a total membership in of , The Syrian Marxist philosopher Sadiq al-Azm therefore does not see the Syrian trade unions as having any role in the current protests in Syria.
In an interview from October he stated: The regime successfully prevented any attempts to organize workers. In the context of the protest movements in Yemen, Bahrain and Libya, in the spring of the General Secretariat of the ICATU said that it believes that continuing to pursue a crackdown policy on demonstrators with the use of force in this bloody form is a style which does not match with the values of democracy and the public right to demonstrate, to sit-in and to express.
And this is a legitimate right guaranteed by all of the laws and constitutions, and in light of this, it calls for the need to release all detainees in the aftermath of those demonstrations. In this way the pan-Arab regional umbrella organization of trade un- ions demonstrated once more its collaboration with one of the most authoritarian regimes in the Arab world and its lack of any independence from the ruling Baath Party.
The Iraqi Baath regime also transformed the trade unions into its watchdogs. Independent unionists went into exile or underground. However, since the fall of the regime in unionists have started to reestablish independent trade unions again. However, it did not organize workers in the Kurdish autonomous region, where Kurdish trade unions had already organized after the establishment of the autonomous region in , often in close affiliation to one of the major Kurdish political parties — most of these Kurdish trade unions are organized in the Kurd- istan United Workers Union KUWU.
As an organization accepted by the above parties, but which was still rooted in the history of the Iraqi labor movement, the GFIW has become increasingly dan- gerous for the ruling parties, predominantly the Shiite fractions of political Islam. In July , a ministerial order was issued by the Ministry of Electricity that prohibited union activities in this sector, and international protests ensued.
We protested, saying that we are not appointed by the government, but it did little good. But there is also resistance from real trade unions supported by large parts of the Iraqi working class. The civil war in Iraq has left the country highly tribalized, and it has handicapped the organi- zational processes of workers along their class interests.
The republics with the least developed trade unions are Yemen, Mauretania and Libya. All three countries have been dominated by tribal power structures and not by a capitalist class society until now. The NTUF collapsed together with the Qaddafi regime in the civil war of and did not play a role in the uprising against the regime. Until today they play a marginal role. During my field research in September in Benghazi, no one was aware of any at- tempts to organize trade unions. The reasons for the lack of any new trade unions in Libya could be the following: The bargaining power of labor in rentier states is very limited.
The Libyan working class has been predominantly composed of foreign labor. Many of them left Libya during the civil war and only some of them have returned. The legal status of these foreign returnees is uncertain and much of industry is still not producing. The civil war in Libya was still going on at the time and, due to the conditions of the civil war, many male Libyans were fighting in one of the armed militias, meaning they identified themselves as fighters and not as workers.
Tribalism was reinforced by the civil war. This created other loyalties and solidarities, and not class solidarity among workers. The future establishment of real trade unions in Libya will certainly depend on the general political development of the state. Only if Libya is able to create some stability and a civil state with certain political liberties will trade unions be able to establish themselves. On the other hand, the nonexistence of autonomous trade unions was one of the main reasons why the Libyan revolution could not succeed without a civil war.
There was no organized labor force that could coerce the gov- ernment to step down through a general strike or through other forms of struggle. The tribalism of the political conflict that led to civil war has also reinforced tribal loyalties. This could be a major challenge for future attempts to organize Libyans along class lines instead of tribal lines. In September it was announced that the independent trade unions in Egypt would like to work together with future independent trade unions in Libya, but not with the NTUF of the old regime Hussein In many ways their present situation parallels the historic relation of trade unions to the anti-colonial liberation movements of the early decades of the twentieth century.
Only after the possible success of these national liberation movements and the establishment of a Palestinian or a Sahrawi state will we see whether these trade unions were able to learn from the failures of earlier examples. Pal- estinian trade unions have only limited partnerships with Israeli trade unions and there is no known cooperation between Moroccan and Sahrawi trade unions.
In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the national question also seems to over- rule the class question. For other unions, see the article by Ami Vatury in this book. Trade unions are crucial for the development of a democratic society, as they are an essential tool for organizing the interests of workers. In the case of Egypt, this struggle is not yet over, and the trade unions are currently facing further challenges from the regime. In Bahrain, the trade unions are also encountering a major crackdown by the regime. On the other hand, the new independent trade unions in Egypt and the trade unions in Bahrain are continuing their struggle, and especially in Egypt the trade union movement continues to grow.
This enables them to maintain more autonomy from political parties and regimes. Should these experiences also have an impact on the trade unions in other Arab countries and on the trade unions connected with national liberation movements, this could be a major push for the establishment of a new, less ideological, and perhaps more efficient labor movement in the Arab world. This will be much more difficult in countries where the workforce consists of foreign workers with very limited rights and in countries with a highly tribalized society, where other loyalties are more important than class interests.
However, as the economic crisis in some of these societies continues, social questions could become more important. Growing global struggles for the distribu- tion of wealth and resources will also intensify the conflicts within the societies of the Middle East. Either these struggles will be solved with a class struggle of the working class and the poor, or they will lead to armed conflicts along clientelistic or tribalistic power structures. That is why trade unions not only play a crucial role for the workers in the Arab world, but also for the development of peaceful and democratic societies.
Workers and Working Classes in the Middle East. Workers on the Nile. Workers and Peasants in the Modern Middle East. Guazzone, Laura Pioppi, Daniela eds. The Logic of Authorita rian Bargains: A Test of a Structural Model. Fawzi, Saad ed Din The Labour Movement in the Sudan — Neither Bread nor Freedom. Trade Unions of the World. Hadi Saleh and the Iraqi Trade Unions. Class and Power in Sudan. The Dynamics of Sudanese Politics, — Sudan Studies Association Bulletin. Vol 27, No 2, May — June, pp.
Zeitenwende in der arabischen Welt. Welche Antwort findet Europa? Islam, Nationalism and Communism in a traditional Society. The Case of Sudan. Secretary-general of the Communist Party of Egypt, 8 September Marxist philosopher from Syria, 21 October Unionist of the textile workers in al-Mahalle al-Kubra and head of the unions committee of the unionists of the Communist Party of Egypt, 8 September Secretary-general of the independent Teachers Union of Egypt, 8 September Activist in the youth movement 6th of April Egypt , 8 September Im Anschluss soll es um die Evolution des marokkanischen Systems industrieller Beziehungen und um eine Analyse des aktuellen Grades der Autonomie der verschiedenen marokkanischen Gewerkschaften gehen.
Abstract In this article, I will investigate how labor unions are able to create a democratic political space in semi-democratic or authoritarian regimes or in the initial stages of democratization. After explaining why autonomy from the state is crucial for the ability of civil society actors to contribute to processes of democratization, I will describe the evolution of the Moroccan system of indus- trial relations and analyze the current degrees of autonomy of different Moroccan labor unions. I will also point out how further structural transformation is necessary to improve the possibilities of interest mediation in general and the role of labor unions in particular as requirements for advancing democratization processes.
The role of labor unions in transformation processes An important role is attributed to labor unions in the transformation processes of the MENA Middle East and North Africa region, but it is unclear if the unions will be able to fulfill these expectations. In many countries in this region, labor unions have worked as an extension of ruling authoritarian parties for decades, and union members have tended to belong to the already privileged segment of society Gobe ; generally, Schlumberger ; Marks By formulating specific goals, the civil society actors in the MENA region and other developing or developed countries may seem progressive at first glance, but a closer examination is needed to determine whether or not they are actually autonomous from the state.
The situation of employees — for example, in Tunisia and Egypt — had worsened to the extent that the labor unions that were primarily incorporated within authoritarian states started to protest. In the beginning, they did this through violent strikes and finally through their participation in the overall revolutionary developments. The aim of this article is not to explore the role of labor unions as opposition forces in revolutionary processes, however, but to focus on their potential contribution to the implementation of democratic structures after, or without, a change of leadership at state level.
Although this is a question of high relevance, most theorizing has so far been primarily concerned with the role of unions in the overthrow of an old regime. In Morocco, civil society actors are significantly more autonomous and participate to a greater extent in the political process than in other countries in the MENA region Catusse and ; Camett and The aim of this article is to show when and how Moroccan labor unions have demonstrated autonomy from the state in the sense of acting within non-demo- cratic structures, while calling these into question at the same time.
I will thus begin with an explanation of my theoretical framework, particularly my understanding of an autonomous civil society. After this, a short overview of the Moroccan system of industrial relations will be given. In a further step, I will explore how autonomous Moroccan labor unions are actually constituted. The empirical basis for this analysis consists of qualitative interviews with labor activists and other economic policy actors.
The question of autonomy After the great optimism about widespread democratic transformation during the s, disillusionment grew after the beginning of the twenty-first century, and authoritarianism experienced a new boom worldwide. However, this research has still delivered important findings, which must be mentioned to avoid falling back into the trap of transformation optimism. As was the case in research on transformation, disillusionment also arose in development theory and policy at the end of the s.
Many scholars and pol- iticians realized that the assumption that economic liberalization would lead to progressive economic and political developments did not work in many cases. Growing financial instability and the return of financial and debt crises led to a decline in real income in many countries. This entailed a change in the priorities within development cooperation, meaning that the enforcement of market-ori- ented policies were understood as going hand in hand with improvements in the ability to govern and improvements in institutional reforms Katseli , p.
Economic liberalization and the broader development of state and society were seen as interconnected, but there were only a few approaches that questioned how economic liberalization is connected to changes in state-society relations in a more detailed manner. The approach that best tries to achieve this goal is the rentier state approach.
Theories of the rentier state claim that economic liberalization leads to a reduction in the ability of the state to compensate for the lack of civil liberties through the distribution of rents. In this way, economic development contributes to overall development. However, this does not occur in the very simplistic sense that modernization theories claim; rather, it does so in the sense of a structural transformation particularly of labor markets , which enables employees to stand up for their rights. An approach that includes internal rents has much more explanatory power but is also considerably more complex because internal rents require a domestic productive sector.
Hartmut Elsenhans understands the rentier state in this broader sense see Elsenhans , and ; Zinnecker The vast majority of authors emphasize the dominance of clientelistic relationships in developing countries, particularly in the MENA region. There are also different interpretations of clientelism as well as different names for the phenomenon.
This is not compatible with the assump- tions associated with theories of the rentier state. In the words of Schwarz: I define clientelism as follows: Clientelistic relations exist in order to share resources for mutual benefit. A classic example of this is a major landowner patron and agricultural workers clients who the patron phys- ically protects and provides with work equipment, loans and the like.
In return, the clients struggle for him and vote for him in elections. This archetypal form of patron-client relationship is difficult to find today. Becoming a client means becoming incorporated into the system of patron-client relationships, in other words becoming co-opted by a non-democratic regime. This does not mean that civil society actors should refuse to cooperate with the non-democratic state, but they should show the will to change the regime while also cooperating 59 The story of Mohamed Bouazizi exemplifies the relevance of clientelistic logic in the MENA region.
This young man set himself on fire on December 17, , an act which became a catalyst to the Tunisian revolution. Because the street vendor refused to pay bribes one form of entering into a clientelistic relationship , he got into trouble with the police. Local authorities did not want to listen to his complaints. Because many people could identify themselves with him, his action became in fact hazardous to the system. This should not understood as an appeal for neoliberal policies, and it does not mean that capitalism does not create tensions.
I merely want to emphasize that labor has no real bargaining power in pre-capitalistic societies Elsenhans , p. Before I illustrate the points where Moroccan labor union activists have become economically inde- pendent and shown dissident behavior in the sense of cooperating with the existing regime while criticizing it at the same time , I will provide a short overview of the Moroccan system of industrial relations for a better understanding of the context in which recent labor union activities are taking place.
The evolution of the Moroccan system of industrial relations Since Moroccan independence in , labor unions have shown different de- grees of autonomy, but they have never been completely incorporated into the state. Since the struggle for independency, Moroccan labor unions have played an important role in the state and society. There have been consistent conflicts with public authorities, leading to the repeated persecution of labor union offi- cials, which has caused many chasms.
The formation of Moroccan labor unions is connected to political events overall, especially the formation of new political parties. Currently, there are five larger unions and several smaller ones. In order to best describe this process of cooperation without incorporation, I use the basic ideas of the concept of electoral authoritarianism introduced by Schedeler It is estimated that less than 10 percent of the workers in Morocco are unionized, some say approximately 6 percent61 — for example, the UGTM has indicated that it has , adherents, 54, contrib- utors and 2, representatives.
Even more informative than membership data is the data on the outcomes of the trade union elections. In , 8, companies organized trade union elections, and 18, union delegates were elected. Many more companies participated in the elections than in the elections, which can be seen as a success of the new labor law of and its enforcement. Although the new labor law was intended to encourage labor union participation by introducing union-appointed delegates in addition to the older institution of personnel-appointed delegates, the importance of union membership among the delegates has decreased see Fig.
Dissident action against the French occupation. Initially, heavy mobilization against structural adjustment programs. During this era, labor unions were successful in making the government accountable for some of its interests, but not for more general ones.
Their actions can thus be understood according to the above mentioned theories of the rentier state, which assume that unions are incorporated into the supporting coalition of an autocratic regime. Furthermore, conceptualizing labor union activities as completely incorporated would ignore the reality of the many violent conflicts between union- ists and security forces and state repression, particularly against political activists on the left.
The fact that some unionists where closer to the regime than others might be one reason for so many organizational splits occurred, most prominently when the CDT was founded in The structural adjustment programs and especially the privatization laws of and weakened the compromise between labor unions and the regime and led to heavy mobilization and violent strikes up until the end of the s. Nevertheless, the structural transformation continued, and unions seemed to rec- oncile themselves with the new situation.
This was only possible because the public authorities tried to avoid widespread layoffs and compensated the newly unemployed with public money. The economic basis and the public discourse also changed and led to transformations in labor union strategies as well. The current Moroccan labor market situation is evidence for the assumption of an ongoing incorporation of certain civil society actors.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, more than 40 percent of the Moroccan workforce was still working in agriculture. In rural areas, this is even as high as 75 percent. As in other developing countries, there is high under-employment in the rural areas and employment is mostly informal. The urban Moroccan labor market is divided into two distinct markets: The labor force in the formal labor market can be measured by counting all public em- ployees, employees in state-owned enterprises and employees in the private sector covered by the national welfare system. While the overall labor market situation is still wor- rying, it should be noted that the rate of formal employment in the private sector has increased significantly over the last two decades.
This has posed a challenge for labor union activities, which were previously strongly dominated by public employees. Furthermore, it should be noted that both public and private employ- ees have been regrouped in the same Moroccan union confederations instead of distinct confederations, as is the case in other countries like Turkey. The growing importance of formal employment in the private sector and the resulting formation of segmented labor markets, where employees with certain skills are scarce, has contributed directly to the growing autonomy of individual labor union activists in particular and indirectly to the growing autonomy of labor unions in general, as will be further elaborated in the following section.
Different degrees of autonomy In the following, I will reconstruct the degree of autonomy of contemporary Mo- roccan labor unions. This will be conducted on the basis of qualitative interviews63 with experts from labor unions and with other actors in the field of industrial pol- 63 I conducted these interviews between March and July in French and translated the relevant passages into English.
Excerpts from an interview with a UMT activist will be taken as a showcase for strategic interactions that take place in line with partially undemocratic norms, but which also contradict these norms as similarly expressed in the concept of electoral authoritarianism elaborated by Schedler , p. The union activist has come to terms with Moroccan realities, but he criticizes them at the same time and shows a will to change them. He also describes political and economic influences that hinder union activities.
However, one can not directly conclude that a civil society actor is autonomous when she or he expresses criticism towards the state. We try to keep the social peace regarding the economic situation. We cannot be confronted with We were forced, in the interest of the country, to accept this proposal, but in the long run we want to revise the minimum wage. He describes the consequences as painful for workers and whole regions, particularly his own region. Subsequently, the Moroccan state tried to address the crisis. It tried to intervene, to subsidize some sectors, like skilled trades, tourism.
It tried to solve some problems of the city of […], but the city of […] is one of the regions in Morocco experiencing immense crisis. He points out that this era was quite difficult for labor unions and led to many changes in their strategy, which were quite positive from his point of view. I also have to tell you that labor un- ions are not very well organized over here. You know, at that time, when you talked about labor unions, it was something evil, it was automatically something bad … I think now it has evolved a lot, even a union, if it wants to live These passages prove the above-mentioned periods of labor union activities.
They particularly underline the beginning of a new period as a result of the structur- al adjustment programs and the characterization of the recent period as being strongly influenced by neoliberal ideas. While the UMT activist does not criticize basic neoliberal assumptions, the heterogeneity of the economy is described as the largest constraint on the ability to act. The activist has the opinion that a political decision is necessary to enforce the rule of law.
There are areas where you find that the labor code is not respected at all; there are entities where one can say that they respect it; entities that are well structured [ He is somebody who works all day from 8 am to 8 pm, without a bonus. You cannot find the minimum to ensure the dignity of the worker. But as I said, this is not the case in all sectors. There are economic fields that are well structured, [enterprises] that respect the labor code, that respect their employees.
This generally remains insufficient. A political decision by the government is needed to stop this phenomenon [of the labor law not being respected in some organizations]. This criticism of the labor regime can be interpreted as very far-reaching. This activist, along with other labor union activists — particularly those work- ing in banking and finance —consistently compare their own working conditions, which are very well organized through a collective agreement, with the working conditions of others in less structured areas. The problem of the heterogeneity of the economy is also indirectly mentioned in an interview with a labor inspector.
She expressed her inability to do inspections on a regular basis because of her immense workload, as can be seen in the following citation. I propose, and I demand, that the Ministry of Labor separate between an agent who mediates and an agent who inspects. It is a necessity from my point of view. In another passage she explains that she spends a lot of her time listening to the complaints of workers or preventing strikes through mediation. As a consequence, inspections can only be conducted occasionally and are more likely in cases where conflicts are probable. Although her criticism is formulated in very polite way, this example shows that even public employees have a considerable amount of criticism to express.
He claims that a political decision to improve the situation is still lacking, meaning that the fragmentation of the labor union system is understood as intended by political actors. This can also be interpreted as a very far-reaching criticism. We have thirty-six labor unions in Morocco. This is too many.
But as I said in the beginning, it is a political issue when politics are with the unions. Hence, the interests of workers are sometimes left aside. If one applies the theories of the rentier state, one can assume that the lack of enforcement of the law in the informal economy allows the relation between state and society to be regulated in a non-democratic manner, namely according to the logic of clien- telism. Labor union activists are aware of this fact and criticize it, but they do not discontinue their cooperation with the regime.
They pursue an overall minimum strategy of combating the heterogeneity of the economy combined with a high-lev- el strategy in certain well-organized sectors, like banking and finance. Referring to a minimum does not necessarily implicate downsizing, but rather calls attention to perhaps the greatest problem of emerging economies: Labor unions have not lobbied much for these marginalized workers because they were not, and still are not, their members.
Indeed, more and more union activists are starting to realize the importance of this problem. Admittedly, this is a strategy that requires a long-term outlook. Long-term goals could be over- turned by short-term interests, in particular because of the strong affiliations of some labor unions with political parties and because of the interests of workers in already well-organized sectors.
Nonetheless, transnational norms concerning decent work are becoming more and more important and are making it difficult to ignore inhumane working conditions. Not all Moroccan labor activists show much criticism as described above. There has been a continuum in the five major labor unions concerning their amount of criticism toward the state and therefore their grade of autonomy from the state.
At the same time, there are also huge differences among activists. Particularly public employees are in a delicate situation because they have poor labor market prospects in the private economy and are therefore more dependent on their employer the state. Particularly younger, well educated activists employed in the private economy are more independent because of good labor market prospects.
At the same time, age does not generally explain their degree of autonomy. Because unemployment is very high among young grad- uates, many of them would do just about anything to find a job. For example, there is an association of unemployed graduates who demonstrate regularly in front of the Moroccan parliament. During the protests in the spring of thousands of them received an employment offer by the state. From my point of view, this kind of protest clearly expresses the will to be co-opted. Although this is not the usual business of labor unions in a stricter sense, the UGTM hung up several banners in cities with slogans66 such as the following: The second slogan expresses an even closer relation to the state.
It clearly recognizes the king as leader. The metaphor of the factory evokes the image of an employment relationship between workers and the king. As a result, he was able to mobilize a large number of people for a demonstration for the adoption of the new constitution. This was a kind of counter-protest against those who wanted to express the opinion that the reforms were not far-reaching democratizing enough.
Con- sequently, it is very problematic to speak about labor unions in a general sense. Labor unions and interest mediation in democratization processes In sum, there is much evidence that labor unions are not merely incorporated into the Moroccan regime, and that clientelism is far from being the only mechanism of coordination. Labor union activists express widespread criticism and are becoming increasingly independent from the state due to a growing formal private economy. In fact, Moroccan labor unions are playing an important role in the transformation processes. But even in the Moroccan case, where the system of industrial relations is more pluralistic and has been pro-private business for decades, the contribution of labor union activities to democratization processes is limited.
The ongoing heterogeneity of the Moroccan economy, combined with the lack of enforcement of the law and the fragmentation of the labor union system, have been identified as the most important constraints on the activities of Moroccan labor unions. In- deed, the quality of labor union activities has changed since the implementation of structural adjustment programs in The prevailing neoliberal discourse focusing on entrepreneurs therefore does not necessarily need to lead to a downsizing strategy. There is certain evidence that the focus on minimal conditions could lead to a more consistent enforcement of the labor law and other laws in general and thus to a reduction in the informal economy.
Considerable differences concerning the autonomy of the five major labor confederations were also pointed out. As to the actors themselves, age, education, and employment situations were identified as important factors for the degree of autonomy of individual labor union activists. Economic constraints, overall political discourses and transnational pressure to apply certain norms are more or less comparable to the rest of North Africa. Indeed, other economies are much more dependent on rents than the Moroccan one. Because authoritarianism was much more repressive in Tunisia and Egypt, it was nearly impossible for labor unions to act autonomously there for decades.
It was therefore much more difficult to enter into real negotiations, and it can be assumed that clientelism was more important for political coordination. Al- though the fragmentation of the Moroccan system has the disadvantages described above, autonomy is more likely in Morocco than in systems with a long history of state corporatism and a heavy dependency on rents and a small internal market. Consequently, supporting labor unions as actors of change in North Africa should not only take into consideration conducting negotiations, but also advancing the structural transformation of these economies.
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Gandhi, Jennifer, Prezworski, Adam Internationale Entwicklungspolitik und Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Vienna. Theorien-Prob- leme-Strategien, Munich, pp. Der Staat im Vorderen Orient. Konstruktion und Legitimation politischer Herrschaft, Baden-Baden, pp. Challenges to Tradition and Modernity, New York. Revue of International Political Econ- omy, Review of International Political Economy, Le Maroc de Mohammed VI. The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics, pp. International Studies Review 11, pp. Zusammenfassung Im Jahr war der Anteil gewerkschaftlich organisierter Arbeitnehmer in Israel auf weniger als 25 Prozent gesunken.
Abstract By the share of organized employees in the Israel workforce dropped to less than 25 percent of all employees. Many of them were in fact organized only nominally, since they paid membership dues to the Histadrut without ever joining the union knowingly.
In May they began an initiative to create an alternative to the Histadrut. The initiative was the inception of a new general trade union, Koach La Ovdim, an organization that is intended to offer a much more demo- cratic option for organized labor. This article deals with the question of whether Koach La Ovdim is capable of creating a new labor movement that is based on universal values and class conscience, unlike the social-national labor movement that was based on the Histadrut and that led the Zionist movement and the state of Israel for more than 40 years.
The only other examples in the industrial world of trade unions with similar size and financial and political power are the Scandinavian trade unions. However, Israel in the s and s — the period in which the Histadrut was at the peak of its power — was nowhere near the egalitarian model of the Scandinavian countries. In Israel was at its most egalitarian point, according to its Gini Disposable Income distribution. However, the Gini coeffi- cient67 for Israel during that time not including East Jerusalem and the occupied territories was above 0. The level of equality is between 0 and 1, with 0 representing maximum equality and 1 representing no equality at all.
After , when the right to affordable health insurance became no longer based on membership in the Histadrut, the union shrank by almost one million members in less than three years.