Monstres à létat pur (French Edition)

Her mother tried several times to stop the crime by reprimanding her husband. But this piece of advice gave by a coworker and a neighbor to the mother is also an example of the ordi- nary private resolution of the crime in the nineteenth century. It shows a form of habituation to the crime and a good knowledge of its methods of resolution by the village residents.

Several others outlets for resolution existed but remained confined to the pri- vate sphere.

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Prostitution, begging or the search for work were the three paths of the resolution. Sometimes, it was the mothers who helped resolve the crime.

Several times, the wife of Charles Noutre tried to take away her daughter. But each time, her husband went to see his daughter and brought her back to the house. Grisier and with her own daughter, Mrs. Noutre tried all the different ways to save her daughter. She contacted several members of her family in order to avoid the spectre of the judicial system. She is an example of the ordinary private resolution of the crime in the nineteenth century.

Lastly, neighbors sometimes decided not to remain silent. Some of them made a public denunciation. His mother spoke to me in front of a witness. I waited until today. The mother knows and does the younger brother who can also inform you of this affair. The most important thing to notice is that, before s, the denunciation used to come from the victims or a family member. From then on, the anonymous letters and the public denunciations appeared in the trials. Thus, something changed between the be- ginning of the century and the s that made the neighbors more implicated into the crime.

We can assume that, in the s, a kind of acceptance of incest and sexual crimes that obliged the neighborhood to refuse to be implicated in its and, thus, to denounce it, began to come to an end. The village and the public crime More than the neigborhood and the village residents, the authorities were called for the resolution of the crime.

The parish priest and the municipal authorities are also involved, because they know that the family would become a burden to the parish which is not always capable of taking on such a burden or even willing to do so. In nineteenth century France, these authorities could be divided into three main figures: The victims often confessed to them because they thought of themselves as sinners.

Marie Goaty, eleven years old, was raped by her father for the first time in She lived with her family in the village of La Ciotat in southern France. After the first rape, she came to see the village priest in order to ask him what to do. After the meeting, she went to see a friend and reported the conversation: He also said that each time he tries to take any liberties with or tries to keep me close to him that I should call you right away so that you can come get me. Thus, he is in accordance with a time that considers incest to be a crime of promiscuity.

The resolution of this matter was for him to banish the desire from the house. If the parish priest embodies the moral authority, the mayor and the juge de paix are, on the contrary, the highest figures of the state and judiciary in the village. They had the power to arrest an assailant red-handed or, at least to in- form the attorney of incest occurring in the village. Mayors and juges de paix were also easily accessible to the victim and could quickly arrive at the crime scene.

I had a hard time convincing her to talk, but finally by using gentleness and patient persuasion, I was able to convince her to tell the truth. In the nineteenth century, an illegitimate newborn was worse than the incest itself. His authority obliged him to avoid an immoral reputation for the village that he represented.

But by providing help to the victim, he also guaranteed his dominant position in the village. This last scene of the crime is almost like a public arena where neighbors and families competed with each other. Erving Goffman has already noted the changing roles of people in any given situation. They changed their discourse and adopted a different attitude.

Reputations are made and untied by it. The set of familial itineraries builds the moral history of the vil- lage,: He was the one who interrogated witnesses, ordered forensic expertise and man- aged the police inquiry. For this reason, the judges were continually under the watch of the Lord Chancellor and his administration. His judgement is prompt and perfectly dependable. In , during the Cadio instruction, Jean-Louis Eude heard thirteen witnesses. Any material evidence was used to confirm the first denunciation of the victim followed by several inhabitants of her village.

But, in front of the magistrate, the testimonies were expressed in silence or unspoken words. One of the witnesses, Joseph Gautier, was a servant of Cadio, the defendant. I never followed him to find out what he was doing. In front of the magistrate, sitting in his office, justice became a reality. Finally aware that the consequences of their testimony could mean a sentence of hard labor for life, some witnesses retreated in their accounts.

Some inhabitants decided to side with the defendant.

They tried to excuse his behavior and to save his reputation. The village could not admit to having let incest be permitting under its watchful gaze. In its own way, it preserving its own moral reputation by trying to save the accused. In the trials studied, inhabitants and family members almost never judged the assailant as a monster.

So, where did the monster come from? Additionally, we can consider this conception as the result of an elaboration that had begun several years be- fore. Both arguments explained why, later in the century, the anonymous denunciations only begun to assimilate the assailant to the monster. This harmony between the unspoken words of the village resi- dents, and the silence of the denunciations in the rags or in the novels, allow us to see the absence of incest in the French public opinion before the s.

This question about the absence could also find an answer in the study of the results of the trial. After the crime, how did the village deal with the judg- ment of one of its members for incest? For the village, it publicity represents more a moment of tension than an ex- traordinary event. But returning to normal village life after the crime remains a difficult exercise. Would he be watched even more carefully by his neighbors? During his trial, Charles Noutre was described as a drunkard, an idler, and a man without morality by several inhabitants of the village.

Sentenced in to fifteen years of hard labor, he asked for a pardon in As a result, an inquiry was ordered by the general attorney to discern his morality stand- ing. His pardon would be welcomed with great pleasure. Noutre had an excellent reputation; he has maintained the respect and sympathy of the entire village. This unexpected change of mind might be explained by a blaming of the wife. She was the one who had pressed charges against her hus- band.

Therefore, she was responsible for the suffering of the village. Somehow, she had put an entire community in danger for a crime that was not worthwhile. Conclusion Writing the history of incest remains a difficult task. The historian has to an- alyze the unspoken words and the little voices of a family in crisis.

Undoubtedly, incest is a crime in nineteenth century France. By con- trast, after , the monster was everywhere: How can we explain such a convergence? Three facts could explain the shift. The first came with the belief in rising crime rates: The introduction of statistics in contributed to the feeling that crime had suddenly increased in This theory of hereditary defects could also explain the construction of the figure of the monster. Lastly, the first publication of incest cases in the newspapers of the s spread the crime into the rest of society and cemented the monstrous face of incest by making the link among science, justice, and pub- lic opinion.

Therefore, the monster theory deserves to be nuanced and perhaps to be understood more as a construction than as a reality. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. In the nineteenth century France, two crimes particularly embodied the taboo: By criminalizing the domestic family, these two crimes repre- sented the major fear of a patriarchal society.

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See Sylvie Lapalus, La mort du vieux: Finally, two collectives works were made upon this question: The French penal code separated rape into several crimes: All these crimes are aggravated when the defendant has influence on his victim article Yvelines, 2U, 28 December Brunot.

Alpes-Maritimes, 2U24, 7 July Biancheri. Sylvie Lapalus, La mort du vieux: You must select at least 1 quantity for this product. Notify me when available. Le Labyrinthe des Ruines. Les Marais du Troll. Descent - Splig Extension Lieutenant. Le Manoir aux Corbeaux. La Couronne du Destin. Les Liens du Sang. This game is recommended by 6 of our Clients.

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