Ministerial resignations, a scandal over his bodyguard posing as a policeman to beat protesters, and recent fuel protests, have brought Macron to historic low popularity ratings just eighteen months into his rule. Why did it happen now? This whole process began in September. Against this backdrop, we have seen a whole series of attacks on France Insoumise. Not by chance, the raids took place on the same day as Macron reshuffled his cabinet. So, it was all prepared well in advance. And this is something that goes back to the way in which Macron was first elected: This was already the case in the runoff between Jacques Chirac and Jean-Marie Le Pen, with the difference that whereas Chirac won by percent Macron won by percent.
This is the same operation Macron wants to repeat in the European elections: Indeed, European summits have moved toward an increasingly repressive policy toward migrants. There is no real opposition on this question. Locking up children, and the extension of this practice to a ninety-day period, was a particular focus of controversy. The government and its parliamentary majority rejected all amendments that challenged child detention.
Or take the case of recent French-African summits: Macron claims to stand against Salvini, says we are the same as the far right, and presents himself as young, cosmopolitan, and modern. But this is far from the reality. You earlier said that traditionally, in the European elections, middle-class voters have been more likely to turn out.
You come from an activist background: Since the presidential election and the creation of our parliamentary group, we have laid a special emphasis on the environmental question and the problem of nuclear power, which is today a key battleground and point of mobilization. These are the key axes around which we are mobilizing, in particular in our voter-registration campaign. This is an electoral mobilization which also concerns social rights.
MIGRANTENLITERATUR - Definition and synonyms of Migrantenliteratur in the German dictionary
Since the election we have been fighting hard to win over those who usually abstain, but also to build on struggles, for instance environmental and union struggles like that of the women working as cleaners at the Hyatt hotel. In the poor neighborhoods in particular, we have started holding meetings [the rencontres nationales des quartiers populaires ] designed to bring together activists and local residents and talk about the fight at the most local level — on housing, on the preservation of green spaces, on public services and such like.
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This is a question of mobilizing residents who are taking part in struggles, in a way that also facilitates self-organization. Our meetings in these neighborhoods are part of that: You have been the target of heated attacks because of your links to antiracist and anticolonial movements in France. Why do you think you are targeted this way?
I think that in general antiracism has long been a blind spot of the Left.
And add to that the fact that over the last ten or fifteen years there has not been a mass antiracist movement in the manner there was with all its limits in the s. I think that reflects a failure of the Left in government, which has implemented anti-migrant policies and failed to fight discrimination.
For some years now, however, there have arisen autonomous antiracist currents which have advanced a certain reflection on structural racism, the reasons why even the Left has much to do in terms of building a postcolonial approach, or why the Left is itself so white and not drawn from a wider range of social categories. That work needs doing. Mano Bouzamour hasst das Wort " Migrantenliteratur ". Das Etikett bekommt sein Roman "Samir, genannt Sam" gelegentlich verpasst.
Aber er sei kein Migrant, Ich stellte fest, dass Zaimoglu das Programm der Avancierten nicht German words that begin with m. German words that begin with mi. German words that begin with mig. Content is designated illegal if it falls under the one of the enumerated provisions of the German criminal code Strafgesetzbuch — StGB. It is important to note that the obligation to delete or block is not novel.
Under that provision, social media operators are liable for illegal content on their site under criminal and private law. NetzDG further distinguishes between manifestly illegal and illegal content and prescribes different deadlines for deletion. Manifestly illegal content must be deleted within 24 hours of a receiving a complaint, while merely illegal content allows for up to seven days before action must be taken. The most important exception to the seven-day deadline applies if operators refer the decision of whether to delete to an independent body of industry self-regulation.
Such bodies must be setup and funded collectively by social media platform operators and reach independent decisions that the operator accepts as binding. Such bodies are a common feature in the German regulatory landscape and have been setup for instance by the movie, tv, and computer games industries to rate the age appropriateness of content the FSK , FSF and USK respectively. Additionally, NetzDG requires social media platform operators to name an agent in Germany that is responsible for receiving complaints.
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A failure to name or lack of response from a responsible agent attracts a fine of up to It is debatable whether it is useful to view NetzDG as an attempt at curbing hate speech on social media. This is largely due to specific criminal law provisions referenced by the statute and the peculiarities these produce. Collectively, the enumerated provisions of the German criminal code simultaneously criminalize more and less than would be encompassed by a generic ban on hate speech.
Hence, the analytical value of hate speech is limited due to the particular criminal provisions NetzDG is based upon.
Meaning of "Migrantenliteratur" in the German dictionary
It would be more accurate to say that the statute itself does precious little beyond seeking the removal of content that one cannot already express in public without the risk of criminal prosecution and sanctions. The law expressly avoids creating new criminal offences and does not, in any real sense, seek to expand existing limitations on freedom of expression in Germany. The fact that one could in the past express many views that constitute incitement to hatred on social media platforms without any real fear of repercussions does not fundamentally alter that conclusion.
It is rare for legal system to treat freedom of expression as an absolute right. Most European jurisdictions, including the German Basic Law recognise that there are limits. As a matter of German constitutional law, it is not clear whether the provision would run afoul of freedom of expression. At this stage it is useful to distinguish two scenarios.
In the first scenario, a social media platform operator deletes content that is illegal: Under the German Basic Law, freedom of expression does not cover insults and defamations, or incitement to hatred. To the extent that deletion of the illegal content amounts to an infringement, this is justified as it is provided by provisions of general laws under Article 5 II Basic Law. Moreover, deleting illegal content appears as a measured sanction, given that such statements, when made in offline scenarios, often attract criminal prosecution which may result in fines and prison sentences.
Conversely, in the second scenario the operator deletes content mistakenly deeming it illegal. Here, the issues become more complicated. The German Federal Constitutional Court has recognised that there is a presumption in favour of freedom of expression whenever it is unclear whether the expression is illegal, at least on topics of public interest.
Notably, this protection extends to public forums, even where access to them is regulated through private law relationships. However, NetzDG notably does not require censorship i. If overblocking does take place as a result of NetzDG, then this would indeed be would be problematic under the German Basic Law.
The statute in a nutshell
Despite their prevalence in legal writing on the subject, concerns that social media platforms will, when in doubt, delete content rather than risk a fine, appear overstated. Overblocking is likely to arise, so goes the argument, due to the structure of the fines that apply to a systematic failure to delete illegal content. Hence, a prudent social media platform operator would, when in doubt and confronted with a flurry of complaints, delete content that is questionable , rather than risk a fine.