To quote only a selection in recent years: Ideally, of course, biographers — and historians — aim at both. There might of course be an element of jealousy among less commercially-successful colleagues. The unwelcome competition in Biography can also come from academics who are not historians: Here, the most remarkable case is that of de Gaulle.
But there appeared a greatly expanded edition in three volumes fifteen years later: Considering the high standards achieved by Lacouture, it is not quite clear why another respected journalist and commentator, Paul-Marie de la Gorce felt that another biography of over 1, pages was needed [13]. But then both biographies strive to be fair — they do not try to demonstrate that de Gaulle was always right and his opponents always wrong, or vice-versa. Indeed, the de la Gorce version seems to have had good sales since it recently benefited from a posthumous paperback reissue.
And this in spite of the competition from the best-selling Max Gallo, whose four volumes were also soon reissued as cheap paperbacks, in , and are still available: Gallo sales are easily explained: In fact, the colleagues in the Annales tradition finally decided to abandon their own prohibitions and they entered the fray, the most unexpected example being that of Marc Ferro b. Not that he was deemed incompetent, as he was a prominent French historian of the troubled 20 th century — but because this lapse into a minor genre seemed to be in flagrant breach of the Annales philosophy.
Once again, popular success followed, however, and Fayard again published a long series of paperback reissues, the latest appearing in The same held good for his Nicolas II of [15]: After Ferro and Duby, the gates were open for the rediscovery of Biography as a legitimate tool of the historian. Even the next generation finally yielded to temptation.
One can think of Michel Winock b.
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Le printemps de la Russie The other was Henri Troyat His list of publications is absolutely prodigious, and even his list of biographies is much too long to allow reproduction here. Suffice it to say that he alternated between lives of famous French people, notably writers e. His biographies were extremely popular and sold very well, but he was the object of suspicion on the part of his competitors, who could not understand how he could research his books so fast.
Finally, as in Britain, there is a tendency for politicians to take advantage of their provisional fame to publish lives of the predecessors whom they admire for their ideas or their political struggle. The first instance that springs to mind is that of Condorcet In all these cases, there is however a suspicion that the authors have an axe to grind, settling contemporary accounts through their chosen dead heroes.
Still, there is obviously a public for these biographies, probably bought more for the name of the author than that of the subject. The movement was particularly visible over Mitterrand, who died in But the lines seem to be increasingly blurred: The ivory tower of those French historians who refuse to have any truck with Biography is not only under threat from without — the enemy is now within.
A Destiny New York: Ironically, Tulard passed with flying colours — first of his cohort when he took that annual competitive examination. Translated by Francis K. Revised and enlarged edition, with additional material translated by John Skeffington. English edition in two volumes: Last of the Tsars. In addition, with the restrictions imposed on Germany by the Versailles Treaty there seemed no urgency for vast expenditure until the advent of Hitler. Modern infantry rifles and machine guns were not manufactured, with the sole exception of a light machine-rifle, the Mle The French heavy machine gun was still the Hotchkiss M , a capable weapon but decidedly obsolete compared to the new automatic weapons of German infantry.
A modern infantry rifle was adopted in but very few of these MAS rifles had been issued to the troops by As to French artillery it had, basically, not been modernised since The result of all these failings is that the French Army had to face the invading enemy in , with the dated weaponry of Yet his short period of total responsibility could not reverse 15 years of inactivity and constant cutbacks.
The War Ministry was hamstrung between the wars and proved unequal to the tasks before them. French aviation entered the War in without even the prototype of a bomber aeroplane capable of reaching Berlin and coming back. French industrial efforts in fighter aircraft were dispersed among several firms Dewoitine , Morane-Saulnier and Marcel Bloch , each with its own models.
On the naval front, France had purposely overlooked building modern aircraft carriers and focused instead on four new conventional battleships, not unlike the German Navy. Reynaud hoped that the hero of Verdun might instill a renewed spirit of resistance and patriotism in the French Army. On 24 May, the invading Germans pushed back the French Army. General Maxime Weygand expressed his fury at British retreats and the unfulfilled promise of British fighter aircraft.
Weygand said that he was in favour of saving the French army and that he "wished to avoid internal troubles and above all anarchy". Churchill's man in Paris, Edward Spears , kept up pressure on the French not to sign an armistice as this would result in the necessity for Britain to bomb French ports if occupied by Germany. He did not disguise the fact that he considered the situation catastrophic. I could not detect any sign in him of broken morale, of that mental wringing of hands and incipient hysteria noticeable in others".
On 5 June, following the fall of Dunkirk , there was a Cabinet reshuffle, and Prime Minister Reynaud brought the newly promoted Brigadier-General de Gaulle , whose 4th Armoured Division had launched one of the few French counterattacks the previous month, into his War Cabinet.
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During a cabinet meeting that day, Reynaud argued that before asking for an armistice, France would have to get Britain's permission to be relieved from their accord of March not to sign a separate cease fire. Britain got us into this position, let us now try to get out of it". On 10 June, the government left Paris for Tours. Weygand, the Commander-in-Chief, now declared that "the fighting had become meaningless". He, Baudouin, and several members of the government were already set on an armistice.
Churchill then said the French should defend Paris and reminded Petain of how he had come to the aid of the British with forty divisions in March , and repeating Clemenceau's words "I will fight in front of Paris, in Paris, and behind Paris". Making Paris into a ruin would not affect the final event.
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On 12 June, after a second session of the conference, the cabinet met and Weygand again called for an armistice. He referred to the danger of military and civil disorder and the possibility of a Communist uprising in Paris. Churchill returned to France on the 13th for another conference at Tours. Paul Baudouin met his plane and immediately spoke to him of the hopelessness of further French resistance.
Reynaud then put the cabinet's armistice proposals to Churchill, who replied that "whatever happened, we would level no reproaches against France". It is impossible for the government to abandon French soil without emigrating, without deserting. The duty of the government is, come what may, to remain in the country, or it could not longer be regarded as the government". Several ministers were still opposed to an armistice, and Weygand immediately lashed out at them for even leaving Paris. The government moved to Bordeaux , where French governments had fled German invasions in and , on 14 June.
Parliament, both senate and chamber, were also at Bordeaux and immersed themselves in the armistice debate. At cabinet on 15 June Reynaud urged that France follow the Dutch example, that the Army should lay down its arms so that the fight could be continued from abroad. Chautemps then proposed a fudge proposal, an inquiry about terms.
Admiral Darlan , who had been opposed to an armistice until 15 June, now became a key player, agreeing provided the French fleet was kept out of German hands. On Sunday 16 June President Roosevelt 's reply to President Lebrun's requests for assistance came with only vague promises and saying that it was impossible for the President to do anything without Congressional approval. Reynaud and five ministers thought these proposals acceptable. The others did not, seeing the offer as insulting and a device to make France subservient to Great Britain, as a kind of extra Dominion.
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Eight were initially undecided but swung towards an armistice. He was welcomed by people as diverse as Claudel , Gide , and Mauriac , and also by the vast mass of untutored Frenchmen who saw him as their saviour. Cabinet and Parliament still argued between themselves on the question of whether or not to retreat to North Africa.
The next day, they went to Lebrun himself. Paris remained the de jure capital.
On 29 June, the French Government moved to Clermont-Ferrand where the first discussions of constitutional changes were mooted, with Pierre Laval having personal discussions with President Lebrun, who had, in the event, not departed France. On 1 July, the government, finding Clermont too cramped, moved to Vichy , at Baudouin's suggestion, the empty hotels there being more suitable for the government ministries. At the same time, the draft constitutional proposals were tabled.
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The presidents of both Chambers spoke and declared that constitutional reform was necessary. The Congress voted — 80 with 18 abstentions to grant the Cabinet the authority to draw up a new constitution, effectively "voting the Third Republic out of existence". His regime soon took on clear authoritarian—and in some cases, fascist—characteristics. The new government immediately used its new powers to order harsh measures, including the dismissal of republican civil servants, the installation of exceptional jurisdictions, the proclamation of antisemitic laws, and the imprisonment of opponents and foreign refugees.
Censorship was imposed, and freedom of expression and thought were effectively abolished with the reinstatement of the crime of "felony of opinion. As a retired military commander, he ran the country on military lines. He and his government collaborated with Germany and even produced a legion of volunteers to fight in Russia.
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Not once did he offer a sympathetic word for Germany. No reply ever came. However, on his birthday almost three weeks later, he was taken to the Swiss border. Two days later he crossed the French frontier. De Gaulle himself later criticised the trial, stating, "Too often, the discussions took on the appearance of a partisan trial, sometimes even a settling of accounts, when the whole affair should have been treated only from the standpoint of national defence and independence.
The jury sentenced him to death by a one-vote majority. Due to his advanced age, the Court asked that the sentence not be carried out. As early as June U. President Harry Truman interceded in vain for his release, even offering to provide political asylum in the U. He was also beginning to suffer from heart problems and was no longer able to walk without assistance. Plans were made for his death and funeral. Foch , Cordonnier , Mangin , Castelnau and Joffre. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This section needs additional citations for verification.
Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. July Learn how and when to remove this template message. Gilbert, and Paul P. Old Guard and New Order, — , pp. The Dark Years, — The Extreme Right in France: Associated Press , The Second World War, Vol 2.
Retrieved 21 November The French Against the French: Collaboration and Resistance , p. University Press of New England. Heads of state of France. Recognized as Francia from to — Recognized as West Francia from to — Recognized as France from to present Styled President of the Republic after , except from to Chief of State and to Chairman of the Provisional Government.