A city built for , inhabitants, which currently has a population of four million people.
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The crossroads of various realities, with people from all provinces. The city that links Angola to the rest of the world. Its people are the lifeblood of this city. Via ten figures, this film shows different ways of living and interpreting the city. Israeli television censored the film. The day-to-day work conditions to which Jasmine and her teenage colleagues are subjected disrespect all international labour norms. The situation is aggravated further when the owner of the factory closes an important deal with a Western client and begins to demand that his employees work overtime to carry out the order.
The contrast between the atrocities committed there in the past that are described by the guides and the present-day normality of tourist visits provides a glimpse of the progressive banality of the evil that enabled the Holocaust. The film focuses on the various phases and elements involved in the elaborate creative process by which Helena Almeida constructs her works, highlighting the human body.
Their mission is simple: After cleaning them in large bonfires, they take them apart and cut them into metal sheets that will later be used to make suitcases, which will then be sold after being painted and decorated. Over the course of the past few centuries, the study of the human mind has been relegated to the realm of philosophy and religion. However, in recent decades, neurobiology has made great advances in this field. The filmmaker dives into the incandescent universe of Port-Royal and the Jansenist doctrine via an interpretation of Baroque texts amongst the readers one can find Matthieu Amalric , visits the historical sites associated with Jansenism and converses with historians and theologians, taking the film to the boundaries of the unanswerable question about the nature of Grace.
An architectural plan was prepared after the 25 April Revolution with a view to rehabilitate these shacks made from junk. Many of the political promises made thirty years ago have still not been fulfilled. What is it like to live in Meia-Praia today? The site has been almost completely destroyed by property speculators.
Yussef and his wife, the guardians of the site and its history, still live there though However, from this very specific location, the film seeks to analyse and discover the mechanisms that regulate the lives of any community, in a manner that is simultaneously scientific and poetic.
The victims are almost always women and children. The film follows some of these victims when they find someone willing to defend their rights in the person of these two lawyers and captures their courageous activities in the streets, courts and prisons of their country. The director works like an archaeologist, revealing a complex, multi-layered labyrinth of destinies.
The Finnish filmmaker tried to understand how sixty young Orthodox nuns, who were mainly from Russia and had been raised under Communism, live their faith and relate to a changing world. A reflection about modernity and spirituality.
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Its waters tumble over a mountainside in what is one of the highest waterfalls in the world. As it has abundant quantities of water and it flows smoothly throughout the year, it has an uncommon dignity when compared to other Japanese rivers. However, its waters were contaminated by mercury, which was discharged into the river by the Showa Electric Company.
The pamphlet promised a fantastic day of fun on a bus tour that would take us sightseeing around the country. A day not to be missed, said the leaflet.
The conversations between prisoners and the authorities reveal a system that had washed its hands of the fate of these men a long time ago. In another age, a cruise aboard this liner was a privilege within the reach of very few people. Nowadays, middle-class British pensioners realise the dream of a lifetime by taking a voyage on this luxury liner.
This observation of social typologies serves as a pretext to relate a bittersweet story about the illusions of life and the steady approach of death. One of them only keeps things that she still uses, while the other tries to find uses for objects that people have thrown away. The local tourist agency and the Lonely Planet guide were not exaggerating: Initially, the inhabitants of the cooperative worked the land themselves but soon incorporated youths from the nearby town. In , at the beginning of the Intifada, one of the residents of the village was murdered and the identity of his killers was never discovered.
From then on, just like in the rest of the country, it was decided to substitute the workers, who had all been Palestinians until then, with foreign labour. Others did what the director of this film did, they changed their names and erased all traces of their Jewish family identity. Those who left disappeared into a parallel universe and nothing was heard of them for over thirty years. Setting out from an old photograph taken when he was a child in the Pioneers group, Manskij goes in search of his old companions in Israel, in the U. A, in Canada, in Ukraine and deals with the years that have passed in the lives of each of them and in the history of their country.
At this time, the Aum religious cult now known as Aleph had established its presence in various centres in different parts of Japan and was continuing its activities. The world described in this film - a world of beliefs, neighbours, police, right-wing nationalists, the mass media and the space they all share in a strange way - has little in common with what the majority of Japanese believe. While television channels continue to portray the Aum equation as being equivalent to the enemy of the people, this film presents another Japan. Despite the fact that there were various witnesses and abundant proof, the crime was solved only several months later.
The director of this film, Andres Veiel, travelled to the city where the crime occurred, interviewed family members and friends of the killers and the victim and analysed the extreme right-wing motives that were behind the crime. He then wrote a play for only two actors who play all the different roles and ended up by adapting it for cinema, while maintaining this theatrical base, to respond to a uni-dimensional truth that the media had transmitted about this case.
Hiroshi Sekine was hospitalised in and was fed glucose over the course of five weeks, which deprived his body of vitamins. He was affected by the disease and has struggled to live a life of dignity ever since. The film is a protest against medical negligence and bureaucratic inertia. This provocative documentary tells their tragic stories. The film follows the lives of these women from the s onwards, through the growing difficulties that regulate their existence and their permanent search for work and stability after the crisis in their lives that was caused by political changes.
For years Goa was part of the Portuguese colonial empire, turning her back to the rest of India. During the first sixty years of the occupation, half the population which was very cultured, structured and Hindu was forced to convert to the Catholic faith.
Just like the humid climate in Goa hinders the healing of wounds, similarly, it seems that the scars of the past will never heal. Here, the children ensure their survival via agriculture; they have little time to pursue their studies. The orphanage does not have the capacity to shelter everyone but the construction of a new dormitory promises to improve their living conditions.
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In this journey through a lost childhood, a translator, Felicia, protects the children from more difficult questions, and proves to be a single mother who sacrificed her life for her son. Her documentaries are almost always diaries on film and one can find numerous autobiographical elements even in her fictional works. The two films of this session are examples of her methods and of the complex questions that accompany her auto-representation not the least of which is filming intimacy without voyeurism and they follow the saga of a filmmaker in search of her identity.
The ideas, the ideals and the dynamics at play in popular Portuguese music during the s and its position in a European context, through the voices of musicians and other individuals who were involved in creating this conceptual plot. A documentary that revolves around the relationships between popular music, politics and society in Portugal, and the image that the country created - and still creates - of itself. The result is a phantasmagorical poem about absence and the power of images and sound as a means of reviving the past. Despite having different beliefs and ideologies, the two communities shared a feeling of pain, hurt and peace in a world at war.
Few structures reflect on the outside the dark battles and the invisible tragedies that take place in the depths of the earth. The film by Barbara Kopple documents a mining strike in a small village in Kentucky. With a haunting soundtrack that included the participation of country and bluegrass artists, the film is a record of a thirteen month long conflict between a community that struggles for its survival and a large company determined to take the battle to the limit.
She lives with her father in a religious community in Estonia. The local priest and her family believe that the girl is possessed and reject the medical explanations they are given - that Tanjuska is suffering from schizophrenia. Her brother, sister-in-law and their young children live nearby. In the face of the imminent death of her mother, the director maintains a stoic distance from the object of her documentary, without giving in to sentimentalism and tries to extract an austere portrait of life and death, preserving the fragility of each moment of truth and capturing a slow but steady and mysterious love of life behind these images.
His innovative approach found a fan in Charles Chaplin who wrote: One of the most superb symphonies I have ever heard. When she begins to live in Spain, she suddenly realises how isolated she is and that she is trapped in a typical cycle of dependence. This film is about emigration from a feminine point of view. It is about growing up and postponing life The short that opens the session follows the inauguration of the Lisbon Casino, in a ceremony where VIP guests and ordinary people are both present, the former partying in an enormous tent that was built for the event and the latter watching the excitement from the street; but both of them await the moment when the casino will open its doors.
And after seeing this film one can inevitably find a partial explanation in this entire process for the abuse and humiliation perpetrated by the same soldiers that we see here in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo.
Automotive Enclosures | Zeithistorische Forschungen
Within the four walls of Dr. We witness these medical consultations and understand that there is a diagnosis for each person and that the stories of their lives are parallel to their ailments. When Nishii knew he had only a few months of life left owing to a terminal illness, he asked Naomi Kawase to film him. She agreed to his request and thus began a series of regular visits.
Nishii likewise had a camera in his hand and filmed Kawase while he was being filmed. Over the course of a year, the directors followed young Babooska, a circus artist who travels all over the country with her small family circus. It is a play about love and power, private and public life, and political intrigues. Marguerite Duras, fascinated by the film, wrote: He restored its subversive significance to the tragedy, stimulating its regenerative process and resurrecting it with this brilliant work.
In accordance with Japanese traditions, she gave birth on a tatami mat, assisted by a midwife and surrounded by her entire family. As soon as the umbilical cord was severed, she picked up her camera to begin to film her child and her ninety two year old grandmother. Then, in a final evolution that Lefebvre calls the domination of space, the more powerful social classes find the means to dominate spaces through various forms of exclusion, often with the help of evolving economic circumstances or the adoption of new technologies.
Human spaces, many of which began as commons with communal resources, became private property, enclosed against the weak and now dispossessed, a process that could take a decade or many centuries. This article attempts to apply these concepts — the nature of space and the transformation of commons — to the urban arena, particularly to city streets.
Streets are an unusual example of the commons in part because of their urbanity, but more importantly because throughout the process of modernization and even domination, streets have remained, with few exceptions, common property. Moreover, while nearly all commons have undergone a historical contraction since the early modern era, streets, by contrast, experienced an expansion beginning in the nineteenth century that intensified substantially in the twentieth.
Nevertheless, despite the retention of their legal status as commons, they also became dominated by elite classes, and this is more strongly apparent in the developing world. Over time, what had been common space, a resource available to everyone and utilized in myriad ways with multiple meanings, became increasingly a near-exclusive space where movement was the dominant form of usage and where motorists, street users sheathed in the bodies of large, dangerous new technologies, reaped most of the benefits.
The automobile enhanced the social power of motorists who, with the help of legislation and impersonal violence, came to dominate much of the urban commons and diminish many of the ways in which the street had formerly been utilized. Despite these two costs, which were apparent to everyone else, officials ignored death and emphasized policies that they believed would prioritize automotive movement.
Such policies only brought more cars, and hence more congestion and death. If for a few years into the s the city permitted parading on a segment of Vargas Avenue for the three days of carnival, there would no longer be any dancing and singing there during the rest of the year, which was much lamented. For Cariocas, the residents of Rio de Janeiro, the pre-automotive street was a place of significant meanings that was utilized in manifold ways.
While the street had always been a place for flow, for the transpositional mobility of people and goods, many of its movements and activities had nothing to do with getting from point A to point B. As a result, the street was a locus of intense diversity and spontaneous cultural invention: Because urban spaces mattered, the Carioca had a large and ancient vocabulary to name them. A further linguistic indication of the significance of urban public space for the Portuguese was another old term, logradouro , that referred to all urban public spaces collectively.
The street, in spite of it all, remained raw and unimproved. The perception of the street as nature was expressed in many ways. In many early cities and towns, buildings and homes were plonked down haphazardly on the landscape — everything else was called the street. In fact, not only in Rio de Janeiro, but also in New York, Boston, Lima, and Havana, streets, as they emerged between buildings, had no official names, and often would not have them for centuries. Residents, however, gave their streets popular designations that typically identified the specific activities for which they were used, such as soapmaking, pig butchering, tinsmithing, or incarceration, as examples in Rio show.
Until about , streets in Rio were rarely improved. They were raw, bare ground, from frontage to frontage. Even those few central streets that had been paved with cobbles from as early as the seventeenth century were described as being so full of soil, eroded from nearby hills, that they may as well not have been paved at all. Streets did not have curbs, although some had narrow flagstone walks, nor did streets or squares have trees, landscaping, fountains, or monuments.
They were more typically full of vegetation and animals. The earliest photos of the city show the main streets and central squares choked with grass and scrub crisscrossed by rutted cart tracks and narrow foot trails. Public spaces belonged to everyone, and everyone was welcome, even slaves and foreign citizens.
Significantly, its unimproved aspect was an important indicator of its status as common. That the street remained raw ground — ungraded, unmarked, and un-zoned — identified it as a space for all and for nobody in particular. Still, the street was an unusual commons. The resource the street offered was space, and unlike most common resources, the street was eminently renewable. Forests could be felled and fisheries depleted, but the space of the street lost no value through use and could be taken up by the next user with no disadvantage. There was little chance of a tragedy of the commons.
What space offered was difficult to degrade. Additionally, the urban commons, unlike some commons, was a peopled landscape, one which was not primarily for the extraction of resources although this was done, too but a space on which to practice commerce and build community based on the exchange of commodities and information.
Streets were thus seen not as lines and dividers, but as three-dimensional spaces. Popular street names often changed every block or two because each space was seen as distinct, not as a long linear entity whose function was mere movement. Likewise, it was in this period that the city began to impose official names on its streets that typically replaced names representing usage, such as Tinsmith street, with names, such as Constitution Street, that had modernization and state building as their goals.
Due to concerns about the role of dirt, mud, and organic matter in the production of disease, considerable efforts were made to pave and drain streets and keep them clean by employing contracted street workers. A few avenues were constructed to improve traffic flow to incipient suburbs. City officials now aspired to see the streets civilized and they patterned many of their reforms on precedents established in London, Paris, and Lisbon using various pavement types, installing curbs, and beautifying streets and squares with trees, landscaping, furnishings, ornamental fountains, and sculpture.
This was to manufacture the space, quite literally, but initially it only extended to a few streets. Here was a street that was first conceived, designed, and laid out to very specific and regular measurements. And it was born with an official name, Central Avenue. Storm drains and sewers were installed, and decorative streetlights and ornamental trees were placed symmetrically along the length of the avenue. And this street still belonged to everyone and permitted nearly every activity formerly performed on the city streets.
It remained common, accessible to all, and hence no one class or interest came to dominate the space. This would change with the rise of the automobile. The Automobile Prioritizes Mechanical Movement. Until the middle of the century, the growth of automobiles in Brazil was erratic due to the effects of depressions, world wars, fluctuating exchange rates, and the price of coffee. The president of Brazil got an official car in , two years before the president of the United States would receive his.
However, statistics on actual car growth remain sparse and unreliable until the s. One automotive magazine, desperate to know how Brazil was performing relative to other nations in the race to motorize, pleaded with readers in to count the number of cars in their cities so they could aggregate the data for a national automotive census. Noronha Santos reported that in there were 9, registered passenger cars in Rio with a total of 16, vehicles, including trucks. Yet still, in , 1, passenger cars, more than 10 percent of the total, belonged to government agencies, perks for elite officials, and cars remained strongly associated with the official and elite classes.
New York City had almost half a million vehicles by the beginning of the Depression. Still, even with its relatively small number of vehicles, automobiles in Rio had already made profound changes to the streets by Initially, the handful of new avenues were the only spaces amenable to the first cars, spaces with few obstacles and smooth pavements that could function as speedways.
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During rush hours or weekend shopping and touring excursions, the accessible streets were literally filled with machines. The implications were widely noted by the second decade of the century, and the problem intensified and spread to new streets and avenues. The costs to non-automotive uses of the street were also noted. When buses arrived in some numbers by the late s, they too found movement difficult in the sea of rush-hour cars. In , the urban planner Alfred Agache repeated a refrain that was already common among the driving classes, namely that the streetcars and their tracks ought to be eliminated entirely so that automotive traffic could move more effectively.
Pedestrians, who made up the large majority of street traffic, also complained from as early as the second decade of the century that the car was inhibiting their own ability to move efficiently. Pedestrians visibly resisted displacement, walking in the streets and risking their lives to move in the patterns they had been accustomed to, but the car effectively pushed most pedestrian and street activity to the sidewalks, which now became congested with walkers and were, over the decades, progressively narrowed in parts of the city in order to make room for more car lanes.
The new street bed, increasingly paved in smooth and what city officials considered hygienic asphalt, formed a continuous space for cars, but the sidewalks became interrupted. Some residents complained that now, every time a pedestrian had to cross from one sidewalk to another at intersections, the wait to safely cross was long, a reality that was largely unprecedented in the streets of Rio, which had seen only intermittent wheeled vehicles before the car.
Police were stationed at the busiest intersections to enforce traffic laws, but without them to stop cars it was noted that some, particularly children and the elderly, might never be able to cross the street during rush hour. The following year during a two-day taxi strike, another observer rejoiced at the emptied streets: However, by , the sidewalks themselves, burdened with more bodies banished from the streets, became so congested that the city looked to regiment and regulate walking itself.
After removing various forms of street furniture and kiosks to make more room, city officials insisted that the sidewalks too were to be dedicated exclusively to movement. In fact, the elite betrayed their true motives when they argued that the main point of keeping pedestrians moving was not movement at all but to finally eliminate on the sidewalk vulgar and undesirable activities.
In front of our very office it is like martyrdom. There is a well-known seller of pomades for the removal of callouses who needs to be told to move along. In such cases, circulation is the solution. In one confrontation that demonstrated the growing sense of a spatial and existential crisis, a policeman ordered two individuals in conversation to keep moving, to which one of them responded in all sincerity: And by the late s, sidewalks themselves would be significantly occupied by parked cars.
In , the city had 82, passenger cars. Initially, because Brazil shut off all foreign imports, automotive growth declined, but by , growth became sustained. By , Rio was adding tens of thousands of new vehicles to its streets every year. The city established the Inspectorate of Vehicles, with an independent director, in , and by , the city began to specifically train police to regulate traffic. Things became so chaotic by that the chief of police empowered the military Civil Guard to help out. But it was a losing battle: Again, the enforcing agencies were reformed under the Directory of Transit in the early s, Traffic Guards were formed in the s, there were even civilian volunteer units in the s, but as the number of cars grew, so did the chaos.
However, those who did finally come after World War II, from Europe and the US, were accused of having no more effective impact than the daily crackpot suggestions one read in letters to the editor. Nearly every attempt at regulating automobiles legitimized their place on the public commons and usually favored motorists over pedestrians. City officials had tried to regulate street behavior with law and policing for decades before the car, without — by their own admission — much success.
Under the streetcar regime, there were accidents, but they were few and typically minor. Streetcars were relatively slow, and they ran on predictable trajectories. The large majority of accidents were the result of passengers falling when they boarded or alighted from the streetcars, and the results were usually minor contusions. With the car, this changed, as was noted from an early date. A cartoon starkly illustrated the new reality: The novelist Monteiro Lobato captured the attitude in a character who had made the transition from pedestrian to motorist: Of course, motorists killed and maimed each other, but for a city in which the large majority would still get around on foot, pedestrians made up by far the largest set of victims.
Newspaper reports were remarkably consistent, and what they did report is reliable, but they undercounted and can only be used to indicate the lower limit of the scale of the tragedy. Between and , they reported an average of 44 accidents and 4 deaths per week, 87 percent of which involved pedestrians. Pedestrians accounted for 83 percent of the dead. Official statistics collected by the police also undercounted the number of incidents and, more significantly, were concealed and suppressed, and are therefore of little use. But then the police shut off access to their archive.
Until at least , children between the ages of 10 and 19 made up the largest bracket of victims, accounting for 26 percent of all automotive tragedies.