For the analysis of the innovatory effort exerted by these businesses, it is useful to consider the number of projects which have received public financing and the investment mobilized for these projects and the help or incentives received, as well as the strategies of differentiation based on the support for good quality.

Lastly, the results of innovation can be measured from the number of registered patents and the capacity of businesses to insert into external markets. The innovatory capacity of businesses. There is already a great tradition of the analysis of business innovation in scientific literature. For quite a long time, this analysis was identified with the transmission of codified knowledge and, for this reason, it was knowledge which was easily reproducible and therefore apt for exchange and acquisition on the market; besides this, it was considered to be related with the internal factors of the firm itself Lundvall, The emphasis, then, was put on tacit knowledge which, not being codified, is transferred through interpersonal relations.

Agreeing with the aforesaid, Moulaert insists on the deeply rooted character of knowledge and on the prominence that the territory acquires with it. For the above reasons, the more or less innovatory behavior of businesses conditions the extent of integration of cities within the economy and society of knowledge.

Surveys have been carried out to analyse the innovatory capacity of businesses in the three cities being studied. The behavior of Antequera turns out to be very different because the weight of the strategies of differentiation which use brands or emblems of quality is significant. Even so, in all three cities, only scarce development of cooperation networks between businesses is observed, while the most common networks are those established with socio-institutional actors.

Socio-institutional innovation and networks of cooperation. Confronted by the traditional perspectives which attempt to explain socio-economic and territorial behavior through isolated decisions, a greater attention to collective learning and socio-institutional innovation is now advocated, because it is considered that they constitute an important base for construction processes in innovatory cities. In this way, joined to business innovation, the relationship between other private and public socio-economic and institutional agents is gaining increasing importance; agents which act in each sphere while conditioned in greater or smaller measure by territorial contexts, inherited socio-economic structures and by the presence of those resources which make up their endogenous capital.

This implies that the characterization of an innovative territory must include, along with the diverse forms of business innovation considered before, those others related with socio-institutional innovation: In this way, if the reticular and relational conception of territories reinforces the role of medium-sized cities, the socio-institutional networks of cooperation will contribute to their insertion into the Society of knowledge. In these, physical proximity helps to facilitate the exchange of tacit knowledge and trust among the actors; although for this trust to exist, a great interest in the existence of norms and common values has arisen — that is to say, of cultural proximity.

In order to analyze socio-institutional networks, it is necessary to identify the distinct types of agents that act in each one of the cities under analysis. In this sense, table 6 gathers together those which appear to be more pertinent. Socio-institutional agents with an active presence in the cities. Incubator for businesses with a technological base -Centro de Apoyo a la Calidad y la Seguridad en la Industria Local administration: Trade Unions -Business associations: Interviews and collation of information and data However, just as interesting as observing the profusion and variety of agents implicated in the processes of economic dynamization, and where appropriate, in the promotion of innovation, is to note in what measure the projects and proceedings that might favor the insertion of the cities into the Society of Knowledge derive from the existence of networks of cooperation among socio-institutional agents.

Through the use of sociograms, figure 3 attempts to synthesize the fabric of established relations among those actors with a more active presence in the studied urban spaces. In this last instance, part of the economic and innovatory dynamism is derived from the proceedings of private entities outside the city. The three cities being studied are integrated into external networks: This has to do with the two cases of established networks within this regional space. Strategies for action and their relationship with resources.

The construction of innovatory intermediate cities must be associated with the utilization and intelligent management of the resources available in them, and with the objective of being able to advance development processes in each. In this sense, some strategies of procedure come to be of special interest: From the economic perspective, its already cited territorial centrality leads it to continue to bet on a specialization in logistics and distribution and which is transforming its traditional primary-activity-and-industry-based and first-transformation economic structure.

Among the changes experienced by Antequera during recent years, the arrival of the high-velocity train AVE should be highlighted; this has entailed the construction of a new station, a long way from the urban nucleus in order to meet the dual-strategy of reducing costs and generating a new focal-point of urban and economic development. This logic is taken up by a good number of local socio-institutional agents, who continue to bet on economic and urbanistic growth based on the creation of strong transport infrastructure, considered to be indispensable as the base for a strategy for specializing in distribution functions.

Such approaches are adopted in the following document: A fair part of the projected infrastructure is generating support as well as doubts. The first of these have to do, above all, with improvements in accessibility, as much in the city as in the territorial space that surrounds it, on the understanding that they will assist in dynamizing the economy. Special mention is due for those other strategies directed towards the promotion of knowledge. This is a project which, as well as counting on a course of sensitization within the culture of enterprise, makes an attempt to reduce student failure rates, to educate through values and to foment an interest in learning.

In this vein, its integration in the International Association of Educating Cities, made-up by a significant number of urban centres in thirty-six countries, is explained. Finally, the Proyecto Territorio Socialmente Responsable Socially Responsable Territorial Project , in which business and social institutions, businesses, trade unions, universities and also the regional administration are participating, is being carried to its conclusion.

Its objective is to involve the local society in an economically dynamic, environmentally sustainable and socially cohesive city project. The requirements of this agriculture and the growing push for fruit and vegetable commercialization has fostered a process of business teamwork which has formed a complex productive system created from the standpoint of developing an entrepreneurial fabric consisting in businesses of varying sizes, and which are dedicated to the treatment of garden produce, to the inputs and services in agricultural operations, to businesses which treat the produce, and to the commercialization of production.

In this manner, parallel to the development of greenhouse agriculture, the creation or installation of biotechnological industries, of providers of agricultural machinery, irrigation systems, synthetic substrates and agrochemicals, as well as of plastics for making greenhouses, has been continuing.

In turn, the complexity of agricultural operations has required very specific and appropriate activities connected with the provision of IT and telematic services, agricultural consultation, analysis laboratories and tests. This last item should be viewed with relation to the creation of a certain number of centres and institutes for investigation that continue to prove most efficient for generating technology. Agro-commercial activity and, in smaller measure, tourism, constitute an economic base which sustains a city connected with those other administrative activities characteristic of a provincial capital.

One the one hand, it occurs at the expense of traditional agricultural land, and on the other, greenhouses are installed not only in zones which were previously looked-down-upon or rejected for being less productive, but even on industrial land. These structural disorders owe in good part to a lack of reflection about the urban model and the resultant lack of a city Project.

Besides this, no strategic plan has been made and, until very recently, even the diagnostic report which constitutes the base for the Local Agenda 21 was not forthcoming. In this context, civic forums are debating possible development strategies to help to rouse the city from this lethargic state, while some local agents, both public and private, are carrying out certain actions.

Among those actions spearheaded by the Town Council, the endorsement of an integral regeneration project of the historic center within the Urban Initiative, partly financed using European Union funds, is essential. The measures related to tourist development are much more concrete: Knowledge and innovation are gathering growing prominence in territorial development processes as they condition the way with which resources are taken advantage of, as well as the way in which territories are inserted into global space and into the so-called society of knowledge.

In turn, this increases the amount of attention aroused by those medium-sized cities which are capable of acting as intermediaries between those greater in size and rural spheres, in this way contributing to territorial equilibrium and development. This then, furnishes the analysis of the behavior of these medium-sized cities — an analysis undertaken by observing their capacity to innovate, the way in which they utilize their resources and their level of insertion within the society of knowledge — with special interest.

Among the factors which explain such behavior, the capacity of local actors to respond when facing-up to the problems and challenges which confront them should be highlighted. This last point is closely related with the strategies carried out by city institutions and city projects which are to be realized in each of the studied cities.

Chapter 3 La Llave de la Musica Flamenca formatting problems! Sonata para piano en Do menor, Op. Esquema fundamental de la Folia. Edited by Craig H. University of Illinois Press. Antonio y David Hurtado Torres — — mescolanza, los aires preflamencos. Todos ellos tienen ritmo ternario, que suele organizarse internamente, de forma muy frecuente, en hemiolia. Por ejemplo, los canarios, son la base evidente de los tanguillos.

Los 7 tercios de este fandango de , sin duda, constituyen un rasgo arcaico. M Biblioteca Nacional, Op. Estos aires musicales no eran solamente formas danzadas, sino que el canto estaba presente en todos ellos. Fragmento de Zarabanda para guitarra Gaspar Sanz. Los Canarios Danza procedente de las Islas Canarias.

Baile introducido por los que han estado en los Reinos de las Indias. Los sones negros del Flamenco. Fragmento de Zarambeque, para guitarra. I, 10 The study of Flamenco contrasts sharply with other historiographical disciplines: When on the terrain of the musicological study of Flamenco, on the other hand, it may be easier to reconstruct the past if one has sufficient historico-musical knowledge.

This is because Flamenco dates back to relatively recent times and, up to a certain point, there exist a number of historical sources that allow us to trace a fairly clear and well-documented evolutionary line. And with precise relation to this point, we should bear a decisively important thought in mind.

Inarguably and above all, Flamenco is an eminently musical natural-phenomenon. Therefore, the most centrally important thing is that which leads us to a more intimate, direct and complete acquaintance with Flamenco: This is because the principal objective is the music — an of-itself highly ethereal and abstract thing — which would otherwise continue to be totally unknown, denying us any initiation in its secrets. However, we would remain tied up in the cavern and any information about its true source or the much-cited Pureza would be withheld. We fully agree on this as, when we speak about the study of music, we refer to a study that is all-at-once analytic, historical, musical and literary; or rather, it is a musicological study in which knowledge of musical technique is only the principal tool and in which the history of music which itself includes many other disciplines needs to be thoroughly mastered.

Furthermore, we are not only interested in the broad, general history of music; indeed, the musical styles of Beethoven, Chopin and Wagner bear scarce or zero relation to our objectives. Our principal interest is, rather, the history of the music, forms and key actors from the middle ages, the Renaissance and the Mannerist and Baroque periods. Moreover, if music already seems of-itself wholly abstract to the layperson, as soon we move inside this territory, the mystery becomes utterly huge. Indeed, it remains daunting even for the many musicians who specialize in other musical fields.

Apart from the above, it is necessary for all of this musical knowledge to be governed, guided and unified by a profound, exhaustive knowledge of times prior to Flamenco per se. Also, one must master and internalize other types of musical knowledge quite apart from the essential things learnt in a broader education in music and related subjects. This involves highly specific knowledge: In summary, if one does not possess sufficient musical knowledge — especially of old music and Flamenco — it is impossible to undertake a rigorous study about its musical origins and evolution, simply because the necessary tools and perspectives are lacking.

As a result, every approximation would turn out to be reductivist and superficial. It is therefore indispensable that, before anything else, we depart from this knowledge basis to broach an upright and sensible musical study of Flamenco. This is necessary to build up a central corpus of knowledge. Afterwards, all other contributions from the other sciences can help to complete the picture with additional details. If it were not like this, the following would happen: This could be, for example, knowledge of a piece from the 18th century, such as the Guajira — a type of Cuban folk song.

The basic error would be terrible as the scholar would be omitting fundamental data: And we could travel back further centuries and still encounter this rhythm. In this way, we would at the very latest arrive in Classical Greece, the country considered to be the birthplace of the rhythmic concept of the Hemiolia. Needless to say, it is probable that this rhythmic form was used intuitively in some place and at some moment before the Greeks.

But if we travel back in time indiscriminately and without any clear criterion, there will come a moment when this remote affiliation bears no relation to Flamenco, even though we might come across similar musical materials. Equally, the much-talked-of Greek Modes, about which such enormous confusion and ignorance exist, bear no relation to the Flamenco art form. Therefore, if the aim is to undertake a musical study with relation to musical prehistory and the evolution of Flamenco, a number of things are of paramount importance.

Firstly, we should refer to the necessary knowledge in this field and then secondly, precisely delimit the chronological and musical context on which our study is centered. Of course, we would also have to discern and distinguish the musical elements which are and are not relevant to our study. Otherwise, it would be as if we were studying oceanography from a house in the middle of a field, without any connection to the internet or knowledge of mathematics, physics, or biology… The aim of these pages will be to describe briefly, clearly and in a well-documented way, the most remote antecedents of Flamenco music.

Some general considerations with regard to the harmony and rhythm in pre-Flamenco music Pre-preflamenco and pre-Flamenco music from the 15th century until approximately the end of the 18th century are based on rhythmic and harmonic schemes constructed on the fixed and repetitive movements of a solemn, instrumental voice. These structures served as supports, allowing the musicians to improvise and develop variations as their imaginations dictated. Pre-Flamenco music works in the same way. This started to be evident for the first time and with an unmistakable personality at the beginning of the Baroque movement.

These antecedents are summarized in the joint appearance of the following three musical elements: The emancipation of the V or Dominant Pre-Flamenco music appears and develops at approximately the same time as the laws of classical harmonics during the 17th and 18th centuries.

With this in mind, pre-Flamenco music could be understood in terms of a peculiar evolution of or variation in these laws. De los cien imposibles que el amor tiene tengo yo ya vencidos noventa y nueve: Estos cantares no eran ni seguirillas, ni tangos, ni soleares, ni tientos, ni martinetes.

El insulto era triple: Un Baile en Triana. Antonio y David Hurtado Torres — 82 — Puro: Dicho en Castellano popular: Otro tanto hay que decir de los conceptos voz gitana o cantes gitanos. Y cuando decimos cantar bien nos referimos a que todos los artistas flamencos: El primero de Madrid, la segunda, de Barcelona. Esta obra consta de dos partes: Esto es una idea muy antigua y pasada de moda, originada principalmente en el Romanticismo.

theranchhands.com: Jaime Alberto España Eraso: Books, Biography, Blogs, Audiobooks, Kindle

Solamente crean e interpretan algunos individuos capacitados para ello, dentro de cada pueblo. Todas las naciones las tienen. II Voy como si fuera preso: VII Pesar como el mio yo no lo conozco: Entre las gentes no digo palabra y hablo si estoy solo Se trata de El Pueblo Andaluz. Sus tipos, sus costumbres, sus cantares. En su tercera parte se recogen numerosos cantares flamencos populares, entre los cuales hay gran cantidad de playeras o seguidillas gitanas y carceleras.

Y observamos un interesante dato: The Zincali; or an Account of the gypsies of Spain. Translation - English Chapter II The founding of Flamenco Literature Throughout the 19th century and parallel to the development of the purely musical aspects of Andalusian singing, diverse literary works were published which would come to comprise, little by little, the aesthetic and ideological canons which now define the Flamenco Cante.

In that fervent climate, the majority of artists professed their admiration for popular trends which already existed in the 18th century. This work is infused by the passion and defensiveness of popular music, which was considered a national genre. This contrasts with the French and Italian styles which prevailed in the Spain of the 18th century, something we discussed in the previous chapter. In this sense, this selection of Coplas is an impassioned defence of that which, according to the nacionalista conception that started to gain strength in the 18th century, was the only authentic popular music and likewise, the symbol of national identity.

De los cien imposibles Of the impossibilities que el amor tiene that love has tengo yo ya vencidos already I have vanquished noventa y nueve ninety nine of them: However, one other work from needs mention. Though much less well-known than the former, it was also a forerunner in the field of folkloric compilations: Some decades later, in , a book of fundamental importance to the history of Flamenco appears: This is a work discussed in the first chapter and, owing to its importance, to which we will continue to refer on multiple occasions throughout the present work.

The Escenas comprise a dedication or prologue and twenty-two folkloric and traditional stories of diverse themes. For that reason, we will spend a few moments commenting on some extremely important things offered up by this historical source. In Un Baile en Triana and Asamblea General, the author intervenes in the narration as a spectator at numerous proto-Flamenco gatherings. These were all celebrated in the Sevillian barrio of Triana and attended by the mythical El Planeta and El Fillo, among other artists from the initial years of Flamenco.

These vignettes are absolutely indispensable for refuting a series of erroneous and distorted ideas about Flamenco which, nevertheless, have been maintained over many years. It is said that they formed an instrumental group — described as a small orchestra — made up by a singing and guitar playing El Planeta and two other musicians with various bandolinas mandolins.

However, let us continue: Those cantes were already being interpreted by professional Flamenco singers who had also already obtained mythical status in the history of the art form. And as we will see in the following chapters, the Polo of that time was not the Polo that we know today, but a proto-Flamenco air based on the Fandango. Certainly, these songs were still not the Flamenco cantes that are known nowadays and, although they are already very close to Flamenco, for a higher level of precision, the term proto-Flamenco should be used.

Spoken of in advance, the term refers to an epoch in which one could already begin to talk of Flamenco, though still not with the late 19th century form in mind. As discussed, the term pre-Flamenco, should be reserved for the earlier periods of the evolution of these songs and dances. Another issue of paramount importance and on which Escenas Andaluces sheds some light, is the following idea, which came to be en vogue in Flamenco in the second half of the twentieth century around There is a moment in Asamblea General when the singers El Planeta and El Fillo perform and which helps to rebuke this notion.

The first of these is a veteran artist born at the end of the 18th century who enjoyed a great reputation at the time the story was written; the second of them — El Fillo — was a young singer and disciple of El Planeta and who, it seems, had a hoarse voice without range or ability. Another fragment that suggests to us that really nobody from those years liked a hoarse, limited voice, appears in Un Baile en Triana, when the author is describing how a fiesta of cante and dancing unfolded and how the guests participated.

Also, note that there is another allusion to an orchestra, almost certainly comprising violins, guitars and different percussion instruments, as well as the bandolinas referenced before in this book. This is, more or less, the style that Pandas — traditional groups from Malaga — have been using in modern times for Fandangos Verdiales.

In the same vein, another highly important work needs consideration. Despite its huge importance, it is very little known and is not even translated into Spanish. This is the already-cited report on Spanish music by Francois Auguste Gevaert wherein, besides producing a very detailed description of the Andalusian songs that he interpreted, he also made it manifestly clear that the vocal style he liked was one of a great virtuosity; this, he contended, made the singing of high notes easier and, united with a very good respiratory technique, meant that the cante could be sung in one breath.

And we should consider the cantaores who performed in this way during the first decades of the twentieth century: The insult was threefold. On the one hand, some tried to denigrate a number of great artists precisely for continuing to cultivate Flamenco forms according to the oldest customs referenced by chroniclers. On the other hand, some looked down the oldest singing of all — the Fandango — and, in passing, insulted an instrument so beautiful and of such noble antiquity as the Gaita, referring to it in degrading terms.

While on this thread, allow us the following highly-useful reflection, especially enlightening for those readers who are not up-to-speed on what has happened in the world of Flamenco in the last 50 years: We have mentioned the word puro pure , a term which has been talked about at length in the world of Flamenco, and no we will take a glance at its etymology: Del Latin Purus Clean, clear, brilliant.

Edited by Stanley Sadie. En se menciona por primera vez la Chacona. Silverio, Rey de los Cantaores. The African Hemiola Style. Libro de diferentes cifras de guitarra escojidas de los mejores avtores. Memoria del Sur Cuadernos andaluces de cultura popular. Deben a su herencia oriental el sentido del ritmo. Gitanos, Moriscos y Cante Flamenco. Publicado originalmente en Espacio, tiempo y forma. Serie IV, Historia moderna, t. Los marginados en el mundo medieval y moderno. De Telethusa a la Macarrona. Bailes andaluces y flamencos. En el Museo de la Ciudad de Munich se conservan diez esculturas en madera policromada del artista Erasmus Grasser ca.

Hablemos de cada uno de estos documentos: Al principio de la Gitanilla, al describir a la protagonista, la joven gitana llamada Preciosa —que se gana la vida cantando y bailando—, Cervantes dice: Sus obras, sus autores. Las referencias relativas a lo musical son breves, aunque bien significativas: Como el fandango, se dice que ha sido importada de la Habana y que las dos son de procedencia negra. Seguidillas Boleras, Museo Municipal de Madrid. Sus obras y sus autores.

But, what reality has not been like this? It was the legacy of multiple influences that had been consolidated in different epochs and places and which had remained diffuse and fragmented until the precise moment in which they were brought together, as if conjured by the Romantic Spirit. A new mythical and immortal artistic expression was born: In the same century, a little after its birth, this artistic synthesis started to be called Flamenco. Nevertheless, every birth is no more than the culmination of a prior genesis and evolution.

The genealogy of Flamenco dates back some four-hundred years before its birthday. The Principal objective of this book is to shed light on the key parts of this ascendancy. The Stages of Flamenco music Musicologically and historically speaking, studiable documented forms of the earliest and most embryonic musical examples of what was known by the end of the 19th century through continuing evolution over many years as the Flamenco repertoire, start to appear in the last quarter of the 15th century.

However, it would not be until towards the second half of the 16th century and, to a greater extent, until the start of the 17th century, when those musical manifestations were fixed for the first time in a stylistic language that we can recognize and call, unequivocally, pre-Flamenco Music. We must take into account that — apart from all the historically documented influences that we are going to discuss — before this pre-Flamenco epoch 17th century there also had to have been, by necessity, an original Hispanoandalusian musical basis with Oriental — or more precisely, Arabic — influences, upon which all subsequent transformations and influences would take place.

With the objective of delimiting the periods through which Flamenco Music evolved in a comprehensible way, we will use the following briefly explained structure: Hence these represent the remotest Flamenco-generating sources to which future Phrygian-Mode Flamenco cantes can be traced. On the other hand, however, the first reference to the Zarabanda — originating from black peoples — dates to , and is possibly the first musical style within the stylistic remit of the later Major Mode Flamenco cantes.

In or , according to other versions , Juan Carlos Amat ? At some moment around the other principal pillar of Flamenco — this time from the Afro-Hispanic-American World — comes to the fore: In this epoch, the spectacular development of pre-Flamenco guitar was underway, already with techniques now considered characteristic to Flamenco like the Rasgueado, the Punteado , and the rhythmic golpes on the body of the guitar.

This new song and dance — just like the Fandango — would develop in the 19th century as a Flamenco cante. Galante Style and Classicism. In the s, the old Spanish Seguidilla not Seguirilla and the Fandango, were stylized and submitted to fixed rules. At around , the Bolero was invented, having as it did these two dances as a basis; it was a dance whose forms would be used to model all of the popular songs and dances that existed from that moment.

In general terms, the music of this period is more measured and much less aflamencada made in a Flamenco style than in the preceding Baroque epoch. These were still highly reliant on dance and with the strong pre-Flamenco identity that was evident in earlier periods. Publicity for a translation company General field: Garantizamos siempre que sus documentos son entregados correctamente traducidos y revisados por nuestros profesionales, en el plazo establecido y con total confidencialidad.


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    A gradual process in which the loss of public use of space was one of the main drivers of change. Nos estamos refiriendo, por ejemplo, a los casos de Carteia Bernal , y ss. Estas tres ciudades tuvieron evoluciones particulares y se vieron afectadas por situaciones diferentes -como el terremoto que el siglo III tuvo lugar en Corduba-, sin embargo coincidieron en el mantenimiento estructural y funcional de sus espacios forenses en esta cuarta centuria e, incluso, en la quinta. En Tarraco, el complejo Foro Provincial-circo mantuvo sus funciones originales al menos hasta mediados del siglo V.

    Poco a poco, la funcionalidad forense se fue diluyendo en los nuevos usos privados. VD; Lorrio , Foro de Ercavica, a partir de Lorrio Aparecen evidenciadas las estructuras tardoantiguas y los enterramientos. Sin embargo, los casos anteriores si bien son probables, no son ni mucho menos seguros y son muchos los autores que ni si quieran consideran estos ejemplos Arce , El uso por privados de los antiguos foros fue sin duda una de las primeras particularidades de la ciudad tardoantigua que se estaba generando.

    Historia de Zaragoza, Vol. Il Foro Romano II. Periodo repubblicano e augusteo, Roma. Paisaje urbano, arquitectura, programas decorativos y culto imperial en los foros de las ciudades hispanorromanas, Murcia, pp. El caso de Zaragoza" en Mostalac, A. Los foros romanos republicanos en Italia centro-meridional tirrena. Ponencia y comunicaciones, Zaragoza, pp. Patrimonio cultural y territorio en el Valle de Duero.

    Actas Coloquio Internacional, Valladolid, pp. Arquitectura forense en la Hispania romana, Zaragoza. Morenas de Tejada, G. Las ruinas de Uxama", Por esos mundos, pp. Aquae Flaviae II, Chaves. El foro colonial de Clunia, Burgos. In the following pages, we will analyze the evolution of Romano-Hispanic cities, focusing on their forums in the centuries that formed Late Antiquity. The changes that these public areas — symbols of Roman culture — underwent were essential in the genesis of the new Late Antiquity city and the consolidation of an urban model that finally broke with the Classical past of the High Roman Empire.

    In Hispania, this process of change characteristically began when the city was at its peak; this meant, therefore, that the original functionality of the forum and the new uses which the forum-space had been developing would overlap at some point. It was a gradual process in which the loss of the forum-space for public usage was one of the main driving forces of change. In Hispania, as in the rest of the empire, this process was fundamental in the genesis of the new urban reality of the Late Antiquity period Gurt , In general, all public spaces and buildings with the exception of the majority of the amphitheaters, whose distance from the urban nucleus condemned them, subsequent to the loss of their original function, to far fewer visitors and a reduction in status to quarries underwent a process whereby their structures or parts of them began to be subject to transformative processes; because of these, their newly acquired functions would in turn help to bestow the ancient spaces, themselves symbols of Romanness, with a new physiognomy.

    Within the urban zone, Roman public buildings are conspicuous architectural structures because of their distinct form, the large volumetric space they occupy and the amount of material used in their construction. These and other qualities are the reason why they generally escaped widespread abandonment Diarte , This situation occurred mainly in cities that did not survive Late Antiquity, but also in those that did. In the latter group, we find that the buildings to which we refer were outside the Late-Antiquity main urban center, a space that usually coincides with the Classical urban center.

    The location of buildings in the urban fabric was, for this reason, fundamental in their evolution. In fact, as has been noted, amphitheaters are the best possible illustration of this because, with exceptions such as Tarraco or Valentia, these buildings were located farthest from the core of the city, extending, at times, outside even the urban space itself. Beyond the amphitheater, the peripheral position of public buildings relative to the Late-Antiquity city centers caused important differences in their evolution and led to the cessation of visits to certain areas which were, at best, then relegated to being used as sites of plunder.

    This process can be observed in different types of Roman public spaces. Thus, the theaters located near the center of the city, such as those of Corduba or Caesarugusta, never lacked attendance in and around the space they occupied; meanwhile, in cities such as Singilia, Barba, Acinipo, Regina, Pollentia or Carteia, where, both during the High Roman Empire and in Late Antiquity, the theaters were further from the center of the city, we can observe how the the peripheral location was the prime reason for the lack of redevelopment in the area after the building had lost its original function. Evidently, the location of Roman public spaces was a crucial consideration for entertainment spaces, Roman baths or any other type of buildings, with one exception: Indeed, the forums are the only buildings which can be non-controversially excluded from this maxim, since their typically central position generally prevented them from being abandoned.

    In Hispania, as in other provinces of the Empire, the forums were the most characteristic and centralizing element of Roman urban planning and acted as a multifunctional public space, without which Roman cities would probably have created scattered poles of attraction. Despite the indisputable preeminent position of the forums within the urban layout, in the geometric center where Kardo Decumanus and Decumanus Maximus intersect, there exist questions surrounding topography, accessibility and appropriate zone-communication, or the traditional interest there was in a place; all these things could produce variations in its position Etxebarria , Nevertheless, it is clear that the importance of the forum is restricted to the varied but complementary functions it fulfilled and which precisely constitute the dignitas forensis so characteristic of this space.

    In Hispania, most of the forums we know of are located in a central position and reflect a similar architectural development that was established once the model was practically consolidated. The temple, on a high podium, was, for example, defined as the centerpiece of a large arcaded square whose extension was curtailed on one side by a basilica. On one hand, there are forums with a basilica located on the opposite side to that which housed the religious building, with the longest side perpendicular to the longitudinal axis of the forum, as is the case with Caesaraugusta, Clunia, Baelo, Claudia or Segobriga.

    On the other hand, there are forums that have the basilica on the long side of the square, parallel to the longitudinal axis, such as the Conimbriga and Turobriga forums, and perhaps also Tiermes. Above and beyond these formal differences, there can be no doubt that these forums shared a common importance in their cities. Excavations in recent years, however, have highlighted that, even if these invasions actually took place, they had no direct effect on the archaeological record. Without evidence of any kind of violent action, from the third century on, in cities such as Caesaraugusta, Segobriga, Valentia or Complutum , we begin to see the face of public spaces alter with the walling-up of some porticos, new divisions of space, the appearance of abandoned spaces and even some areas being used as landfills.

    Yet the forums continued to function with apparent normality. In fact, many continued to have honorary pedestals; this shows that the monumentum had not ceased and, even if the image did not correspond exactly to the one they had in mind at the time of construction, their functionality continued virtually intact. Moreover, it is certain that, even if it is undeniable that the majority of well-known Hispanic forums began to be modified in the third century, during this century and in many cases until the mid-fourth century or even the fifth century, these structures continued to function as forums.

    Such is the case with Caesaraugusta, whose forum was built under Emperor Tiberius. Throughout the fourth century its compound remained largely intact, although the sewer that was placed under the forum and which and ran toward the river Ebro had been walled up at the end of the previous century Mostalac and Perez , In any case, and despite the continuous renovations to the ornamentation of the forum between the late third century and the beginning of the fourth , it seems that, since the beginning of the second half of the third century, major changes were to occur in this public space, including reforms to the pavement and the walling-up of certain spaces.

    By way of contrast, in Valentia, we know that a fire in the basilica left the building in ruins and turned it into a site for quarry materials, while a new epigraph dedicated to the emperor Probus was constructed in the forum square. In both cases, it is clear that the process did not lead to total abandonment, but was simply a result of adapting the spaces to changes which occur inevitably over the course of time.

    On the other hand, these changes are easily identified in archaeological records from the third century onwards. This does not mean that small changes which the eye of the archaeologist might find difficult to pinpoint had not existed before, but that those which occurred in the third century were much more determinant in terms of the impact and effect on the image of the forum spaces. These spaces maintained their function for a long period of time, and thus the forums did not cease to function as did those in the third century.

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    Obviously, the picture which appears is not uniform and there are some examples on the Iberian Peninsula where the start of the transformations brought about the end of the original use of this public space. This situation applies only to a few cities, but we have noticed that it is particularly true in the centers that would not survive Late Antiquity, such as Clunia , or those which survived despite moments of great difficulty, such as Cartima and Saguntum ; the usual urban transformations, which in other forums began during the third century and intensified in the fourth and fifth, would undergo a remarkable acceleration.

    In these cases, the process began at the same time that the High-Empire period was dawning. While in Cartima the forum was ruined as a result of violent destruction at the end of the second century Melero, , ; Berlanga and Melero , and, apparently, reconstruction was never commenced, in Clunia we can see that not all of the urban development would be undertaken in a uniform way. Apart from these cases, characterized by having begun their transformation in the High-Empire period, or examples of towns affected by natural disasters, it seems that, in Hispania, most forum-spaces entered the third century still performing the functions for which they were conceived, even though their architectural structures were already undergoing the first changes that would come to mark the beginning of Late Antiquity.

    Although there is no doubt that the third century was the turning point, the process did not affect all forums with the same intensity. We have been able to see that the majority of towns that began their reformations and fully completed them in the third century — i. Or, put another way, they were urban centers whose premature ending had been heralded by an early and complete transformation of their forums. This was, for instance, the case of Carteia Bernal , et seq. In other words, the intense development of these towns led to the loss of the characteristic features of the Classical city: Despite the existence of many cities which did not survive the Late Antiquity period — whose premature ending, as we have pointed out, can be seen not only in the appearance of their forums but also in their use — there are many others that did survive.

    During the third century in these urban centers, the appearance of some areas of the forum space was modified, but their functionality was not eliminated. This is the case not only with the aforementioned Valentia or Caesaraugusta, but also and above all with the provincial capitals Augusta Emerita, Tarraco and Corduba. These three cities underwent specific changes and were affected by different situations, such as the earthquake that occurred in Corduba in the third century.

    However, all three maintained the structural and functional characteristics of their forum spaces in the fourth century and even in the fifth. In Tarraco, the Provincial Arena Forum maintained its original function until at least the middle of the fifth century. Before that, however, the first modifications had already occurred: The presence of two open landfills within the temenos, however, does not necessarily mean that the entire provincial forum lost its official capacity Bosch et al, , In fact, the establishment of landfills in the square did not prevent the continual addition of epigraphs to the forum.

    The last entry documented to date is dedicated to the emperors Leo and Anthemius , and would suggest that at least some if not all of the functions of the space remained active at that time. Nevertheless, it is likely that in the fourth century the forum had already lost its representative qualities, as the theft of materials apparently began between the fourth and fifth centuries, when the space was opened to the public. Some of those pieces were later reused in the walls of the homes in the Visigoth settlement in the area.

    Among these graffiti, there stands out one piece which represents a Chrismon; this has been taken to suggest that there was an attempt to Christianize or purify the temple Alba and Mateos , The continued functioning of the Colonial Forum in Corduba is somewhat less prolonged than in the Tarraco and Augusta Emerita forums.

    During the fourth century, honorary epigraphs were dedicated and donated to the emperors by senior officials of the diocese Garriguet , ; Marquez This would suggest that the functionality of the space was more or less intact. However, from the second half of the fourth century, the pavement of the square was filled with waste, as well as being occupied by domestic facilities that reused architectural materials from the buildings in the forum area Carrasco , Administrative rank, therefore, had an impact on many more aspects than we would at first have expected, and also undoubtedly in the evolution of public spaces, since not only forums but also leisure-spaces, markets and other buildings survived and remained in use longer when their functionality was intact.

    Augusta Emerita, Tarraco and Corduba are cities that had an intense relationship with the Empire and, above all, maintained their role of hub and control center. Consequently, in all likelihood, their forum-spaces kept their original functionality — associated with political, judicial and social activities — longer than other Hispanic cities.

    It should be noted, however, that despite not being capitals and having a priori little in common, the cities of Hispalis and Barcino coincided in the survival of their forums. This survival would seem extraordinary when compared to other urban towns which at first glance may have had more in common with Hispalis and Barcino than the provincial capitals. These two centers, whose size and importance afforded them a rather secondary position within the urban fabric of their respective provinces.

    The reason could be that, from the fourth century on, both cities were Episcopal Sees, and that first Barcino, then Hispalis, acquired — for a short period of time — the title of center of the Visigoth monarchy. It seems clear that, until these towns reached this position, they had been strengthened and had grown in importance.

    Their forums, which according to the archeological information available today, show that municipal power remained active at least until the fourth century, would support this interpretation. Its forum, according to the most en vogue hypothesis , would have been built around the beginning of the Christian era and would be larger than the Republican one. It would have been the type of forum that placed the basilica at the smaller extreme of the square, now located under the church of San Salvador Campos and Gonzalez , , Fields , Various inscriptions were found in the excavations that have taken place in the area, the most recent dedicated to the emperor Constantius, between and From the fourth century, no new inscriptions have been documented, but it has been noted that intense reforms had taken place in that space.

    The last epigraph in Barcino is posterior to that of Hispalis, and was dedicated to Emiliano Numi Dextro, a governor of a senatorial province in Asia between and Although new monuments were built here, it was in the fourth century when the most intense changes in the forum began Florensa and Gamarra , As is evident, in both Barcino and Hispalis, the fact that the placement of epigraphs continued after the fourth century did not prevent these forums undergoing their first architectural transformations, a process which began in most Hispanic cities in the third century.

    However, being provincial capitals, the forums in these cities continued to perform their original functions for longer. This was most likely influenced by the importance that these cities acquired in Late Antiquity Hispania. Whether they were capital cities or not, we can establish that in Hispania, around the middle of the fifth century, there was no longer any forum in existence that had not lost its original functionality or form due to new uses.

    In most forum-spaces, however, the process began much earlier. Also, since it was a gradual — but not uniform — phenomenon, it must have expanded over time, while new urban references emerged in the Late Antiquity city.

    In many cases, we see that the disappearance of the original functionality was a gradual process that was usually merely a result of the consolidation of the private use of space. Although, in principle, this perhaps did not interfere directly with the use of the forum, it eventually caused the collapse of the ancient public space. The process, however, was not uniform throughout the Iberian Peninsula and, as noted, there were cities where the interruption of forum-use was sudden, caused by natural catastrophes or violent destruction such as fire or the collapse of buildings.

    As mentioned previously, this is what happened in Baelo Claudia and Munigua, and also in the Pollentia forum where, between and , a major fire devastated the entire area and destroyed the pocket of taverns and other residential areas close to the forum area Orfila et alii , Despite these cases, in which the process was not gradual but also brought about, albeit more abruptly, the beginning of the private use of space, in many forums the new private functionality did not put an end to the initial public use, but permitted the coexistence of the original functions of the forum and those which were appearing.

    The combination of several uses for these spaces was more common than first imagined. It was not unusual to find small domestic spaces built between the portico and the columns of the forum or even occupying part of the square, while some if not all forum activities continued.

    This occurred in Segobriga Abascal et al. Domestic structures found in the forum of Segobriga Foto: Gurt These homes are often remarkable for their modesty and even for being directly attached to small workshops, but among them we can find some large and important households, for example in Uxama Argaela. Here, we have a city in which apparently two forums were built, but they would not have been used as such at the same time.

    However, the cessation of public use did not bring the forum into private use, but rather, the forum certainly continued to be used by the public until the late third century or during the first few decades of the early fourth. Gradually, the original functionality of the forum diminished due to new private uses. But it is just as difficult to state that there was no organization in the process as to affirm the reverse. In fact, we believe that, taking into account that the encroachment on these public spaces began in many cases before the forums had ceased to be used as such, it is likely that, between the third and fourth century, the process had followed some sort of preset plan or, at least, had been approved by municipal powers.

    The establishment of homes and small workshops around the forum was a major transformation of the original forum features. This was a gradual but intense exchange whereby, if not all of the perimeter walls were affected, it is clear that many of them served as the main walls of new edifices, which were adapted to the style of the sturdy High-Empire buildings. In Carteia, for example, there was an intense late occupation, occurring largely in the third, fourth and fifth centuries; this could be related to the domestic use of some areas of the forum. In Ercavica the loss of the original function of the basilica brought about a domestic reuse of the same space, with a simple partitioning of space using masonry walls, in some cases attached directly to the original foundations Osuna , fig.

    VD ; Lorrio , The Ercavica Forum, from Lorrio Late Antiquity structures and burials are clearly visible. Beyond this domestic use, landfills were established in some forums, sometimes indoors, sometimes directly in the square itself such as the colonial forum of Augusta Emerita or that of Corduba. There is no doubt that these landfills arose as a result of the new housing and the waste generated by domestic life and, of course, they represent one of the first instances of plundering that affected the forum spaces Gurt and Diarte, , 75 These cities were of a higher administrative category, size and importance within the Hispanic urban landscape.

    Algunas de estas dificultades se refieren a la pro-pia operatividad del modelo: Estono significa necesariamente caer en el relativismo. Estosprincipios son los siguientes: Principio personalistaEste principio se enuncia del siguiente modo: La actividad de la empresa debe orientarse al desarrollo del individuo. En el cumplimiento de las responsabilidades se puede caer tanto en posturas mi-nimalistas es decir, conformarse con responder de lo que afecta directamente comoen posturas maximalistas sentirse responsable de todo lo que sucede. Sin em-bargo, precisamente por esto es importante dedicar un tiempo a pensar.

    Noobstante, sin principios tampoco se puede concluir nada, o, mejor dicho, se puedeconcluir cualquier cosa. El modo como se concibe el mundo influye en las decisiones y, a su vez, las decisio-nes influyen en las ideas, porque cambian al individuo o lo reafirman en ellas. Por lo tanto, se entien-de que no se pueda detener en ellos.

    Presuntas operaciones de Mario Conde1. Todos los hom-bres son herederos de la modernidad. No obstante, como a menudo se ha puesto de relieve, estos tres ideales no han tenidola misma fortuna. La igualdad no significa tratar a todos por igual, ni es tampoco facilitar las mismasoportunidades para todos. Una buena actitud para orientar la igualdad es la de saber escuchar. El directivo quesabe escuchar a sus empleados empieza a considerarlos como sus iguales. Desde el punto de vista particular del autor, la fraternidad es la gran olvidada de lasociedad.

    Al menos lo ha sido en su origen, y ahora se perciben las consecuencias deeste olvido. Una buena actitud que ayuda a crecer en el idealde fraternidad es la de saber perdonar. Desde esta radicalidad se presentan tres acti-tudes para que el hombre se maneje en el mundo: Si se tiene en cuenta lo que cada uno quiere y considera impor-tante, y si se considera lo que motiva y lo que se valora, entonces la conducta se ajustaen cualquier momento a la forma que mejor permita conseguir lo que se desea y senecesita.

    La persona se concentra tanto en lo que hace que no se detienea reflexionar sobre los principios inherentes a las situaciones: En ocasiones se soslayan esas realidades cuando se Examinar algo en latrabaja. Olvido de los principiosNo es que un empleado sea una mala persona por querer telefonear a su madre o a suhermano.

    Jaime Alberto España Eraso

    Esas elecciones se hacen de modo apresuradoy pasando completamente por alto las consecuencias de quien resulta afectado o per-judicado, o si se dispone de otras opciones en ese momento. Desde esta radicalidad se presentan tres actitudes para que el individuo semaneje en este mundo global: Afirma sentirse reconfortado por estar ganando en elLas noticias que diariamente veo por campo de la experiencia: Mensaje al pueblo peruano.

    Surgen entonces las siguientes interrogantes: Estas dosrepresentaciones tienen su historia. Los terroristas no eran gente inculta ni mucho menos, pero trataron de empezar por el campo. Neutralizar y eliminar a los grupos subversivos que se negaran a deponer las armas. Estos dos grupos no exceden un total aproximado de hombres en armas.

    Durante su gobierno, Fujimori siempre dio muestras de guardar consideracionespor su asesor; era indudablemente el hombre de su mayor confianza. Yo, por lo pronto, le doy mi respaldo total al doctor Mon-tesinos y al SIN. Elencuentro con patrullas similares ecuatorianas iba acentuando tensiones inquietan-tes. Aparece el asesor de Inteligencia Nacional Vladimiro Montesinos, quien desaparece los expedientes que acusan a Fujimori y limpia su imagen.

    Business Ethics in Action. Oxford University Press, Ethical Theory and Business. Upper Saddle River, NJ.: State University of New York Press, Ethics and Agency Theory: Harvard Business Review Staff. Harvard Business School Publishing, University Press of Ame- rica, El capital, Hamburgo, Ethics, Leadership and the Bottom Line: The Soul of the Salesman: The Moral Ethos of Personal Sales. Atlantic Heights, Nueva Jersey: Cases in Leadership, Ethics and Organizational Integrity: A Strategic Perspec- tive. Business Environment and Business Ethics.