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L'idéal dans une bibliothèque ? | Africultures
Routledge, , pp. Kate Tunstall, Blindness and Enlightenment: Publications de la Sorbonne, Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: University of California Press, ; William R. Princeton University Press, Simone Korff-Sausse, Figures du handicap: Dunod, ; Le Handicap dans notre imaginaire culturel , ed. Very Invalid Person Paris: These lectures were subsequently published in Bernard Mottez, Les Sourds existent-ils?
L’idéal dans une bibliothèque ?
New York University Press, As well as her own Critical Conditions: McGill-Queens University Press, as an excellent example of French postcolonial work on disability. Engendering the Modern Body , ed. University of Michigan Press, Legenda, , pp. These changes in numbers reflected the shift in the regional origins of Chinese immigrants to Canada.
In Cantonese dropped to fifth place, while Mandarin moved up to seventh place.
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The most widely spoken non-official language in Canada remains Spanish, though it is spoken more often as a second language rather than as a mother tongue. However, between and the number of immigrants arriving in Canada from China whose mother tongue was Mandarin, the dominant language of mainland China, exceeded the number whose mother tongue was Cantonese see Table The decline of Cantonese purportedly represents a challenge for the older generation who speak only that language.
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Nonetheless, the Cantonese language still dominates Chinese Canadian television, and most events organized by the media are still conducted in Cantonese. If you want to get a job in the Chinese service sector in Canada, you still need to know Cantonese. Of those with neither English nor French as their mother tongue, some seventy percent were immigrants. Nearly eighty-five percent with Mandarin as their mother tongue were immigrants and this was also the case for seventy-eight percent of those whose mother tongue was Cantonese.
There are nearly twice as many first-generation speakers of mother-tongue Cantonese as there are first-generation speakers of mother-tongue Mandarin, and more than ten times as many in the second generation, while in the third generation there are about sixty percent more speakers of mother-tongue Cantonese than there are speakers of mother-tongue Mandarin see Table For every non-immigrant under the age of fifteen whose mother tongue is Mandarin, there are nearly 2.
Statistics Canada, Census of Exceptions arise among immigrants who have arrived in Canada at a very young age, for whom knowledge of the non-official language tends to be eroded over time. However, those monitoring the process of immigrant integration have been particularly interested in the pace at which one or other of the official languages is acquired by persons with neither English nor French as their mother tongue.
Among those who had arrived before , some 4. Of the approximately , Canadians who in reported speaking neither English nor French, the majority were over the age of fifty-five. Some one fifth of those persons whose mother tongue was Cantonese reported knowledge of neither English nor French, while one sixth of those whose mother tongue was Mandarin did so.
As among immigrants in general, most of those whose mother tongue was either Cantonese or Mandarin and who knew neither English nor French were over the age of fifty-five. Some thirty-eight percent of those immigrants who had Cantonese as their mother tongue and had arrived in Canada between and reported knowing neither English nor French, as compared to nearly nineteen percent of those whose mother tongue was Mandarin and twenty-one percent of those with other Chinese mother tongues.
Among the mother-tongue Mandarin population, some forty-one percent resided in Vancouver 70, people compared to thirty-seven percent in Toronto 63, people. Among the mother-tongue Mandarin population, some Among the mother-tongue Cantonese population, some Canadian Census data support the idea that non-official languages become eroded in the second generation.
In , those reporting Punjabi as their mother tongue had the highest rate of home language retention, with some The survey also provides data about the use of non-official and official languages, and about feelings of belonging, among the Chinese population in Canada see Table There was not much impact on the strength of feeling of belonging to Canada among those Chinese who used mainly English or a non-official language most often with siblings, parents or friends.
However, those who used a non-official language most often reported somewhat higher rates of belonging to their ethnic or cultural group. Among those respectively reporting Cantonese or Mandarin as their mother tongue, nearly every person identifying as first- or second-generation identified solely with a minority ethnic origin. Among those in the third or later generations, forty-nine percent of the mother-tongue Cantonese population identified solely with a minority ethnic origin, while thirty-seven percent of the Mandarin mother-tongue population did so. It should not be assumed, however, that nominal ethnic Canadianness implies a greater sense of belonging to Canada.
Reitz and Rupa Banerjee , working on the basis of the responses to the ethnic self-identification question in the Ethnic Diversity Survey, point to a presumed gap in self-identifying as Canadian between second-generation white Canadians and second-generation visible-minority Canadians. The majority of the Chinese, South Asian and Black respondents to the survey reported a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic or cultural group, yet members of all these groups reported an even stronger sense of belonging to Canada see Figure Following such logic, it might be assumed that Chinese Canadians possess a weaker sense of belonging to Canada than members of other groups do because of the persistence of their ties to Chinese culture.
Such explanations are at the root of social integration theory, which assumes that ties to countries of origin are an important obstacle to cultural adjustment. Yet the data from the Ethnic Diversity Survey do not support this notion see Table Around eighty-five percent of those Chinese respondents who reported strong rates of ethnic belonging also reported a strong sense of belonging to Canada.
By contrast, some sixty-three percent of those who reported a very weak sense of belonging to their ethnic group reported a strong sense of belonging to Canada. The combined total, 49 percent, compared with 37 percent of the South Asian population and twenty-two percent of the white population reporting that all or most of their friends had the same first ancestry.
Chinese respondents reporting Canadian citizenship indicated a stronger sense of belonging to Canada than those holding dual citizenship, that is, citizenship of Canada as well as citizenship in their country of birth. Some seventy-five percent of the former had a strong sense of belonging to Canada, compared with nearly sixty-six percent of the latter.
Although most migrants would not describe themselves as cultural brokers, very often persons of Chinese origin in Canada establish bridges between the cultures, and, while their numbers are relatively few, persons of Canadian origin living and working in China also play a role in the bridging process.
However, cultural brokerage requires that those making up the bridge possess dual or multiple attachments. While some feel that adjustment to life in Canada does not require that minority ethnic cultures and traditions be abandoned, others insist that if Canada is to build a cohesive society, immigrants and, more importantly, their descendants need to give up their ethnic and cultural ties to countries of origin.
There is a need to understand better how the persistence of migrant ties influences cultural and commercial ties between countries, and specifically, in the case of Chinese migration, the ties between Canada and China. Too often, it is assumed that if the sense of belonging to Canada is insufficient, it must be because the sense of belonging to a minority ethnic culture is too strong.
Only the holding of dual citizenship appears to make a noticeable impact on the strength of the sense of belonging to Canada, and even in these cases the difference is not so very great. While members of ethnic communities may disagree with this view, it has not been the subject of much public debate. That is not to say that Canadian government policy does not recognize the importance of language as an expression of culture. Yet there is no historic commitment to the preservation and enhancement of non-official languages, and there seems to be no strong reason for the government to extend support to such an objective.
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