And Michael Pammer, whose knowledge of Catholicism in Upper Austria greatly outweighs my own, immediately got me involved in a book project of his. Did I mention the beautiful landscape in the Salzkammergut south of Linz? These things are all undoubtedly the spoils of a regional history project. Alas, graduate school does not consist only of long weekends in the Salzkammergut. Many friends helped make my time in graduate school bearable and, dare I say, enjoyable, contributing to this project in ways great and small. Finally, I want to thank my family.
My parents, Barbara Rogers and Klaus Voegler, and my brother, Sebastian, have provided support and encouragement throughout the long life span of this project. My biggest thanks, however, go to my wife, Ute, and our daughters, Hannah and Marlene. Upper Austria is the corresponding province within the Habsburg Monarchy. The two are not completely congruent: A series of administrative reforms in the nineteenth century, especially in and around , made small changes to the administrative boundaries of the Habsburg province but the Catholic Church did not follow suit, leaving small but not insignificant divergences.
The western half was formally an empire, the eastern half a kingdom, thus necessitating the acronym k.
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For place names I have used the contemporary German term whenever no ready modern English equivalent exists, adding the Czech or Hungarian name in parentheses when current practice disctates, e. Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians, , New York, , p. By the early nineteenth century, the term had taken on its present-day definition. Philippe Levillain, London and New York, , p.
Oxford University Press, [cited 19 February ]. A History of European Catholicism since , Oxford, , p, A greater part of the Catholic laity participated willingly and, already by the late s, membership in Catholic associations in Upper Austria outpaced membership in liberal ones by a ratio of more than four to one. Josephinism, a mode of church-state relations initiated during the reigns of Maria Theresa and Joseph II in the latter half of the eighteenth century, envisioned the Church as a powerful appendage of the state, useful in disciplining and controlling the population through the parish priest.
This arrangement gave the Church immense amounts of Luhmann's Modernity: The Paradoxes of Differentiation, ed. Chapters in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy, Princeton, Correspondence between the parish clergy and the bishop, between the bishops and the nuncios, and between the Austrian Catholic Church and Rome passed through the hands of administrative officials before it could reach its final destination.
In the early nineteenth century, a younger generation of increasingly Ultramontane priests began to question this arrangement, arguing that it unduly limited the freedom of the Church. Ingrao, West Lafayette, Ind. When Pope Leo XIII pope from succeeded Pope Pius IX, the new pope took the various strands of popular Ultramontane Catholicism spurred on by his predecessor and attempted to turn them into a rigorous and coherent system of Catholic ideology.
Leo changed all that. Thomas Aquinas, placing a renewed emphasis on tradition and the importance of doctrinal unity. See, for example, Wilhelm Damberg, "Wende nach Innen? Katholizismus und Diktatur," in Sozialer Protestantismus im Nationalsozialismus. Die Soziale Arbeit der Kirche. Eine Theoriegeschichte, Freiburg im Breisgrau, , pp.
Lehner uses the phrase to discuss the social work of the Catholic Church in Upper Austria in the s; Damberg focuses on Catholic associational life in the Weimar and Nazi-era Ruhr region. On the development and dominance of neothomism, more generally, see, Gerald A. McCool, From Unity to Pluralism: To many, the plight of the working poor under laissez-faire capitalism and the general evils of godless socialism presented an opportunity to re-focus on the unity of the Church, to give it a renewed sense of purpose in an increasingly industrial, democratic and — it must be added — secular world.
However, instead of bringing the different elements — the higher clergy and bishop, the parish priest, the papal curia in Rome, and, of course, Catholic employers and employees — together within the Church, the encyclical had the opposite effect. Each group began to interpret the document in different ways and to act accordingly. Schulen nach dem Sinne des englischen Lehrers der hl. Aquin, Linz, , p.
Priests, on the other hand, especially the social activists among them, often turned radical, becoming capable campaigners on behalf of the working class. The diocese of Linz in the late imperial period represents an engaging setting for this study. First, the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy, unlike France, Great Britain or even Germany in the nineteenth century, could not count on nationalism as an integrating force.
The German Kaiser can still rule without God, by the grace of the nation. The Emperor of Austria-Hungary must not be abandoned by God. Second, Linz, as the capital of a religiously and ethnonationally homogeneous province,15 allows this study to isolate one element — religion — in the precarious mix of forces that kept the Monarchy together and study it in relative isolation.
Finally, two long-reigning bishops who in many ways mirrored the larger trends within Austria and Catholicism ruled the diocese of Linz during this period and it makes sense to introduce them here in a bit of detail: The first, Franz Josef Rudigier , bishop from , was one of the Monarchy's, if not Europe's, most vocal and talented defenders of Catholicism. Born the youngest of eight children to a poor smallholder family in the religious and conservative province of Vorarlberg, 13 On the centripidal and centrifugal forces within the Monarchy, see, Oscar Jaszi, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, , Phoenix Paperback ed.
It is a religion. Rudigier first studied theology in Brixen before attending the Frintaneum in Vienna, an elite seminary for priests from the Monarchy. Both institutions had been founded in the spirit of Josephinism, with the mission of keeping priests in Austria rather than sending them to Germany or Rome, and of keeping the education of priests under the eyes of the state. By the s, although the Josephinist structures remained, both institutions had become hotbeds of Ultramontanism.
Indeed, Rudigier was an archetypal Ultramontane of what one might call the first post- Napoleonic generation: When Rudigier became Bishop of Linz in , he used the office to dismantle the last remnants of the Josephinist system and fight for the interests of the Church. After his appointment as bishop in , Doppelbauer proved to be a methodical administrator of his diocese: While researching, however, it soon became clear that outside of the largest cities, the Catholic Church is not easily confined to a single urban area; policy was developed, implemented, reacted upon, changed, and is thus best understood within the confines of a diocese.
Moreover, in Upper Austria, policy within that diocese was most often formulated in reaction to events taking place outside the capital; the more I examined the workings of the Catholic Church in Linz, the more I also felt the need to look at other cities in the region. Thus although Linz still receives a disproportional amount of attention in my study, there are important excursions to Ried and Steyr, two of the other larger towns in Upper Austria, as well as to smaller towns such as Schwanenstadt and Gmunden.
Such an approach is also the result of the structures and holdings of the Upper Austrian archives. The Municipal Archive in Linz Archiv der Stadt Linz - AdSL , though it contains rich holdings on the nineteenth century, lacks much of the material that might allow an examination of religious practice through municipal eyes. Regionalism and Catholicism Regional histories, as Celia Applegate has written, [do] not so much undermine the national histories as complicate them and, especially in the case of border regions, emphasize the ambiguities and instabilities of the nationalizing project.
Looked at over time, regional identities have proven persistent, yes, but only by dint of constant adaptation to changes in national boundaries and systems of meaning.
Rather, historical studies of regions within the Monarchy have traditionally tended to focus on the nationalizing processes — e. In spite of, or, rather, precisely because of this phenomenon, historians of the Habsburg Monarchy have recently begun to turn toward regional history for the way it can reframe larger historiographical issues.
By studying a regional city with a relatively homogeneous social structure and open polity, King demonstrated that the formation of national identity could be a much slower and more fluid process than historians had traditionally assumed. Imperial Celebrations in Habsburg Austria, " Ph. Dissertation, Columbia University, These ideas have been developed further in several articles, Daniel Unowsky, "'Our Gratutide has no Limit': Maria Bucur and Nancy M.
Wingfield, West Lafayette, IN, A book-length treatment is forthcoming. Wingfield, Staging the Past: Wingfield, "Conflicting Constructions of Memory: Dissertation, Harvard University, By examining how this ever-flexible social class developed within myriad changing social, economic, nation and religious conditions, we have gained a welcomingly diverse account of the middle-class experience within the Monarchy.
The past five years have also seen a surge of interest in regional urban studies in the English speaking literature. Wood, "Becoming a 'Great City': Peter Urbanitsch and Hannes Steckel, Vienna, Peter Urbanitsch et al. Peter Urbanitsch and Hannes Steckel, Vienna, , p. This lacuna becomes clear when examining several recent works on the Tyrol that use religion to great effect in connecting regional identities with larger issues.
Over the ensuing decades, liberals, through chambers of commerce, festivals, associations, book clubs, and the emerging press, found room to exist apart from the absolutist state. Cole argues that nationalism could serve any number of purposes, from proud regionalism to dynastic loyalty, and from secular liberalism to conservative-Catholic impulses.
Both Catholics-conservatives and liberals seemed to accept the larger construct — the Monarchy — as a given and had no problem combining this with their regional Tyrolese identity. Rather, liberals tended to emphasize the importance of the state Tyrol as a province within the Monarchy , while Catholic-conservatives focused on the monarch and the dynasty Tyrol as the last bastion of true Catholic-Habsburg patriotism.
Hannes Stekel and Peter Urbanitsch, Vienna, , p. And how did it function? How was it related to larger narratives of Catholicism in the region and in the Monarchy as a whole? Yet none of the studies mentioned above focus specifically on the Catholic Church, the institution most responsible for articulating and implementing a specifically Catholic social vision in its most basic form. A glance at the existing literature on the Catholic-conservative movement at a regional level only goes to reinforce this point.
Boyer, Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, , Chicago, In contrast to imperial Germany, where the study of religion and Catholicism has enjoyed a renaissance over the course of the past two decades, religious history in the Habsburg Monarchy was always a well-established sub-discipline. An exception that merely proves the rule is the Princeton dissertation of Gavin Lewis, whose fascinating study on the relationship between the Catholic Church and the emerging Catholic political movement stands awkwardly alone in the historiographical landscape.
Dissertation, Princeton Uninversity, Klerus und Christlichsoziale in Niederosterreich, , Vienna, For the early work on priests, see, John W. Boyer, "Catholic Priests in Lower Austria: Parts of this article were later integrated into the opening chapters of, Boyer, Political Radicalism. See, as well, David Blackbourn, Marpingen: Deutschland zwischen und Sun, Before the Enemy is within Our Walls: Until the s, however, the great majority of the work being done on Catholicism concerned itself purely with political or diplomatic history either of Church politics within the Monarchy, or of inner-Church politics and was, more often than not, polemical in nature, attacking or defending the Catholic Church or the legacy of Josephinism in the Austrian state.
Zalar, "'Knowledge is Power': Wegweiser durch ihre Geschichte, Vienna, What role did it play and by what means did it help keep the Monarchy together — or, conversely, did it contribute to its dissolution? How did Catholicism adapt to the new social and political structures that emerged after and especially after ? How did it interact with the social forces it encountered? He comes up with three answers: Only in the directed assault against the Catholic Church and the Concordat could the various factions — middle-class merchants and burghers at the local level, liberal parliamentarians in the lower house, and Josephinist nobles in the upper house — find some common ground.
The liberal response was to develop new anti-clerical and anti- Catholic rhetorical metaphors and practices that by means of differentiation and contrast proved powerful ways to define and assert the bourgeois claim to social hegemony. Judson, Exclusive Revolutionaries, pp. Gross, The War Against Catholicism: Just as liberals were grappling with issues of identity in the s, Catholics were in a similar process of self- re- definition. This ideology — Ultramontane Catholicism — centered around two poles.
The first pole of course consisted of the pope in Rome, a centralizing and charismatic figure to whom all Catholics should identify and owe a type of allegiance. The second, equally if not more important, pole consisted of its demarcation from liberalism. Charles Jones, Ideology, [Online Encyclopaedia]. Oxford University Press, [cited 29 March ].
David Ernest Apter, New York, , p. Also see, John Gerring, "Ideology: One approach is the structural work of the historical sociologist Michael Ebertz, who focuses on bureaucratic and ideological transformation within the Catholic Church during the nineteenth century.
As Ebertz argues, subtle shifts — a renewed emphasis on the office of the nuncio, the redistricting of parish structures, the growing power of a bishop in his diocese and of the pope within the Church as a whole — produced a slow but steady bureaucratic modernization and ideological centralization. At a local level through the restructuring and the office of the bishops , a quasi- national level through the offices of the nuncios and the Bischofskonferenzen , and internationally through the increasingly charismatic figure of the pope and his growing power within the Church as a whole , the Church was engaged in a mammoth process of reorganization, which increased toward the end of the nineteenth century.
Ebertz stresses that these shifts came in three phases: Papal Encyclicals Online, [cited 23 March ]. Each phase emphasized different aspects of the ecclesiastical power structure and culminated in the dogma of infallibility passed at the first Vatican council in Ebertz, ""Ein Haus voll Glorie, schauet Jahrhundert," in Religion und Gesellschaft im Wolfgang Schieder, Stuttgart, The path breaking work of William Bowman on priests in lower Austria is, in this regard, a step in the right direction.
His Priest and Parish in Vienna, focuses on the social history of the priesthood in lower Austria from the rise to the fall of Josephinism, and his examination of the background, education, placement and pastoral practice of the priesthood breaks new ground in the topic in every way. Thus while we do get a detailed image of the Josephinian priest, it is an image seemingly set in stone. In short, what is missing is a study that takes the theological, political and social changes taking place within Catholicism and the Catholic Church and reconnects them with the larger historical narrative of the late-imperial period, especially outside Lower Austria and the capital city.
On Gavin Lewis, see above, note Bowman, Priest and Parish in Vienna, to , Boston, It is divided into three sections: After a background chapter on the history of Upper Austria, the first section will explore the structural and ideological transformation of the Catholic Church in Upper Austria during the middle decades of the nineteenth century. With a focus on the clergy, this section examines the changing networks and structures of priestly life, first in the seminary and later in the diocese as a whole.
It investigates how the diocese changed under the watch of Bishop Franz Josef Rudigier and the influence of Ultramontanism, and how the networks of communication within the clergy, and between the clergy and the laity, where then changed by these developments. The second section then consists of three chapters that examine the confrontation between liberalism and the Catholic Church from the s to the s.
A first chapter — Chapter Four — focuses on the dynamics of Catholic-liberal conflict in the s. It uses the building of a general hospital in Linz and the burial of a prominent Protestant in a small Catholic town to demonstrate how, already in the s, the Catholic Church faced stiff resistance from a liberal vision of social order at a local level. In these conflicts, however, the Church is never a passive victim but instead uses them to begin an intricate process of re-definition: Chapter Five centers on the experiences of the Catholic clergy in the liberal court system after The chapter then explores how these trials influenced the lower clergy: Chapter Six examines the systematic exclusion of liberal Catholics after the first Vatican Council in Here the spotlight is on the Old Catholic movement, a protest movement that developed among liberal lay Catholics around the time of the first Vatican Council to protest infallibility.
The ensuing conflict demonstrates the mechanisms used by the Church to control its ideology, and for the way the conflict helped transform the relationship between Catholic Church and state in Austria. It begins with the initial successes that many priests had in forming new working-class associations after A complex process of negotiation between the activist lower clergy and the diocese administration — notably the bishop — in which the counters of permissible action become the subject of debate, however, followed these successes.
Frederick III, who introduced the cryptic acronym AEIOU into Austrian lore, chose Linz for his summer residence in the fifteenth century and moved the imperial court there after losing Vienna to the Hungarians in In , Ferdinand I married Anne of Hungary in Linz, a fateful wedding that would cement Austrian claims to the Hungarian crown five years later. Embodying Empire, London and New York, , pp. Patrouch, A Negotiated Settlement: In the time period covered in this dissertation, between and , the percentage of non-Catholics continually hovered between two and three percent.
The Jewish population in the district was minuscule, largely owing to the fact that Jews were de jure not allowed to reside in Upper Austria until ; even thereafter the number of Jews in the province remained negligible. A Jewish community — the israelische Kultusgemeinde — formed in Linz only in and, even by, the Jewish population in the province as a whole totaled just over 1,, about half of whom lived in Linz.
Linz as a regional capital was on the ascendant and by the s had regained its monopoly over trade and production in Upper Austria. The local population, not quite as averse to his courtship as Maria Theresa had hoped, failed to rebel. Charles Albert finally lost the city a few months later, in January , on the very day he was crowned Holy Roman Emperor in Frankfurt. It was claimed by Austria in the War of Bavarian Succession. Upper Austria Urbanization and Industrialization Until the beginning of the nineteenth century, economic activity and migration to and within Upper Austria were both rather small scale affairs.
Several large public works projects in the s changed all that. The railroad relied on horse-drawn carriages rather than steam engines and the tracks were laid too narrow to enable a later change to steam. To make matters worse, the existence of the railroad assured that state money would be sunk into transportation projects elsewhere in the Monarchy for years to come — the Westbahn, connecting Vienna and Regensburg via Linz, was only finished in Similarly, the Maximillian fortifications, though well-intended, proved militarily obsolete only a few years after their completion and were abandoned as fortifications in Both projects, however, brought a large number of artisans to Linz — carpenters, stonemasons, etc.
Pferdeeisenbahn und Dampfbetrieb auf mm Spurweite, Linz, Finally, a third development that helped spur migration in the pre- March period, and one not already obsolete at its conception, was the arrival of regular steamship service on the Danube in , which brought a much greater influx of goods and people to the city. In the first half of the nineteenth century, Linz and Upper Austria also began to experience the first pangs of industrial growth coupled with an increase in population.
Yet this was a haphazard process; some towns, such as Linz, Steyr and Wels, grew at a steady rate, while just as many, if not more, suffered a marked decline in population. In , the province counted factories. At the end of the s this number had increased to , with between 9, and 12, employees. Growth in the ensuing decades was slow and only after was there a marked upswing so that by one could count over factories with upwards of 40, employees.
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In order, the largest cities in the Monarchy in the s were: Cities in Austria, By City: By , Linz had just about trebled in size relative to One can also measure the extent of urbanization in the province as a whole: See, Michael John and Gerhard A. Graz, Austria, ," Canadian Journal of History 5 Though this rate of growth was nowhere near that of the fastest growing cities in Europe Bochum, for example, grew from around 4, in to , by ,62 it grew at what could be called a respectable rate for urban centers in the western Habsburg Monarchy, mirroring growth rates in Vienna and Graz, as well as in many other central European cities.
Population Growth in Linz and Upper Austria, Regardless of their inconsistent rate of growth in the s and 60s, these smallish urban centers nevertheless remained busy points of transfer. Michael John, using the Linz conscription lists between and , has estimated that more than 62 David F. Crew, Town in the Ruhr: Personalstand; Schematismus der Geistlichkeit. Thus, even though we can not yet speak of a population boom in the s and 60s, we can speak of a constantly changing urban space: Linz Population by Heimatberechtigung, 65 These lists were a combination of census data and municipal registration lists.
Jahrhundert , Linz, , p. The latter category makes no distinction of whether an immigrant came from a village in Upper Austria 5 miles from the Linz border, the furthest reaches of the Habsburg Monarchy, or even elsewhere in Europe. On Heimatrecht, see Chapter Six, below.
Depending on the volume of a given contract, employment figures at the factory could fluctuate between and 2, employees often in the short space of a few months , always accompanied by a similar migration in and out of the city. The most important branches of industry were linen weaving and twine production. Dissertation, University of Vienna, The southern part of the province, the Salzkammergut, was dominated by the salt industry — hence its name — which employed between 4, and 5, workers in a chain of small towns and villages around Hallstatt.
Already in the s and 40s, a growing middle-class began to agitate against absolutist government, economic regulation, and the power of the Catholic Church. In these grievances came to the fore as the revolution spread to the province: At the same time, liberals began to use the Volkswehr and other ad hoc governmental structures as a form of shadow municipal administration, pressuring the state for change.
Liberals pushed the Vienna-appointed mayor, Joseph Bischoff, out of office and clamored for greater autonomy in the affairs of their city. By April, the Jesuits had been expelled from their house on the Freinberg just on the outskirts of Linz. Just as importantly, these successes did not suddenly disappear after By , Linz had an elected liberal mayor and a liberal-leaning lawyer from Salzburg, Alois Fischer, as governor. Relatively little literature exists on Piringer. See, Anton Sageder, "P. Upper Austria was granted a new provincial constitution and an elected Diet with fifty members.
The Diet, however, did gain an important say in how its budget — the Landesfond — was spent. Suffrage in provincial elections — for the communes and for the provincial Diet — increased in only a piecemeal fashion. By this latter number had increased to 73, Even these numbers are misleading, however, because, like in most other regions in central Europe in the nineteenth century, the voters were divided into four curia, sharply divided by income and social status.
Verfassung und Parliamentarismus, ed. Helmut Rumpler and Peter Urbanitsch, Vienna, From the beginning, the liberal delegates were not without opposition — eight conservatives, including 5 priests, were elected to the first Diet in Indeed, two developments help one observe the decline of liberal influence and reorientation of its values: Already in the s membership dropped from 2, in to approximately 1, in A second development was the continual renaming of the Verein: Early and sustained police action hindered the formation of a political organization.
When it finally did emerge, the movement became bogged down in sustained arguments between idealists and realists, a division reinforced by nationalist sentiments, since the former often consisted of Bohemian immigrants. On the decline of liberal politics in general, see, Judson, Exclusive Revolutionaries, chpts. In the Social Democratic paper, the Wahrheit!
War, pillage, plunder, and anarchy seemed to mix far too freely with ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity during the Napoleonic wars. In those parts of the western Habsburg Monarchy where the French occupation was of some duration — in the Tyrol and Vorarlberg, which became Bavarian for a good part of the conflict, but also in Upper Austria — the greater part of a generation grew up in deep mistrust of the forces that would later reassemble themselves under the guise of liberalism.
Also see, Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte At the same time, the circle that assembled around Clemens Maria Hofbauer in Vienna began promoting new forms of spirituality that distinctly moved away from a Josephinist model. While these movements would come to affect Upper Austria in the s and especially after the appointment of Franz Josef Rudigier in , for the most part its clergy was still a model of Josephinist discipline in the first half of the nineteenth century.
In the s and s, the various Ultramontane movements began to attract followers, but the state did not yet see the Church as a strategic ally. That changed in the s, as governments throughout central Europe sought to stem the tide of unrest and anarchy unleashed in , now turning to the Catholic Church as a pillar of the new order. Nowhere did this shift occur as dramatically as in Austria. Young clergymen, such as Joseph Rauscher and Friedrich von Schwarzenberg, were swept into the limelight and used the opportunity to create powerful new forums for the 82 Adam Bunnell, Before Infallibility: The Bischofskonferenz first met in to lobby the young monarch, Francis Joseph, and his government for greater freedoms for the Church, to unite bishops and state officials in reversing the legacy of Josephinism, and to consolidate the position of the Church within the state.
Among other things, the Concordat gave the Church control over marriages and education. It also radicalized anti-clerical feeling among liberals. It was laden with rights and responsibilities — schooling, marriage laws, censorship, and the keeping of birth, death and marriage registries — that, liberals felt, should be the exclusive domain of the state.
After taking power in Austria in , the new liberal government began systematically to dismantle the bonds between Catholic Church and state.
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See, Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, pp. In the mid-eighteenth century, government reforms under Maria Theresa and her son, Joseph II, greatly changed the relationship between church and state. These reforms, later termed Josephinism, meant above all three things: All communication with local clergy had to first pass through the Austrian government, no Papal Bulls or encyclicals could be issued without the monarch's approval, and all clergy had to take an oath of allegiance to the state.
Some scholars then go on to argue that Josephinism was the Austrian version of reform Catholicism, while others emphasize its uniquely Austrian aspects, focusing on the role it played in the Habsburg state-building process. For an example of the former, see, Winter, Der Josefinismus und seine Geschichte. In the early nineteenth century, Josephinism backfired.
Austria emerged from the Napoleonic Wars with a well-educated and independent-minded clergy at a time when the state desired obedience and complacency on the part of the clergy and the populace. At the same time, as already mentioned above, a new generation of priests that came of age during the Napoleonic Wars viewed the state — and thus Josephinism as a model of relations between church and state — with increasing skepticism. Thus while in most German-speaking regions of central Europe the conflict between liberal and conservative forces within the Catholic Church turned on the issue of Ultramontanism, in Austria the various sides tended to argue about the legacy of Joseph II — often to the incomprehension of observers farther west and north.
It was around the issue of anti-Josephinism that the hierarchy in the s and s came together. The Concordat was, in this sense, above all an exercise in anti-Josephinism, its Ultramontane tendencies unintended side effects. Sein Leben auf Grund schriftlichen Nachlasses, 3 vols. Sheehan, "What is German History? Josephinist principles, in contrast, were always first and foremost about state jursidiction. Boyer, Political Radicalism, pp.
In Austria, it seemed, a monarch and his or her authority would always stand above the state. The anti-Josephinist movement thus wanted to free the Catholic Church and its administration from the grasp of the state, but it still saw the Church within the Monarchy as a single entity, a further pillar and tool of the emperor in ruling his subjects. That the school system, marriage courts, and the parish registries remained not only under Church control but also were the official schools, marriage courts and registries for the Monarchy or, better said: The Church was to be both separate and equal to the state administration.
The Priesthood in Upper Austria When attempting to understand the role of the Catholic Church in a society, one needs to begin with the clergy. While it is easy to examine the correspondence of the diocese administration in order to get a sense of how the center of power understood the role of the Church in society, this leaves questions unanswered: The first two of these questions are the subject of this chapter, a brief social history of the clergy in Upper Austria — how many there were, what their working conditions were like, how, as a group, they changed over time.
Organization The diocese of Linz, created and in the midst of Josephinist reforms, more or less encompasses the territory of present day Upper Austria. The average number of priests in a given year during the second half of the nineteenth century hovered around for the diocese as a whole, which meant that most parishes were strictly one-man affairs. Urban parishes often did have several priests, usually three to four working together, but even here the ratio of priest to parishioner was far above the norm.
The Domkapitel, an advisory board of high-ranking ecclesiastical advisors, supported him in his endeavors. The main brunt of the administrative duties was, in turn, borne by two separate administrative offices: It dealt with matters such as the placement of priests, the coordination of the activities of the 93 Figures are for The population statistics include only Catholics.
The Schematisma also have statistics for non-Catholics in each parish. The total population for each year, however, tends to disagree with the numbers given in the more recent literature and thus should only be taken as an approximation. I have nevertheless decided to use the data here, because these were the figures the administration used when trying to place priests or plan for the future.
Rounding off the administration was the ecclesiastical court system, which mainly functioned in two capacities: In addition to priest, parish, and administration there existed numerous monasteries and religious orders, a series of Church-run hospitals, the priestly seminary, the school system, and its very own corrections facility, the Priesterhaus Mitterberg. In the eighteenth century, the Josephinist benchmark was to have between and 1, Catholics per priest in a diocese, though such an ideal became increasingly difficult to maintain anywhere in Europe as the nineteenth century progressed.
Since the Catholic population of the province as a whole increased only slowly in the nineteenth century, climbing from , in to , in , the ratio, even at it worst in Catholics per priest did not compare to Vienna. Nevertheless, even 95 On the Priesterhaus Mitterberg, see, p.
As we saw in Figure 3 in the previous chapter, while the population of Upper Austria as a whole grew only at marginal rates in the second half of the nineteenth century, the population of Linz measured here as the Dekanat Linz, which includes some, but not all, of the suburbs experienced a much more dramatic increase in population, especially in the years from to when 97 Source: Furthermore, Linz, as the seat for the diocese, had an overhead of administrative clergymen that tended to skew the statistics. As in most dioceses undergoing a process of industrialization in the nineteenth century, the problem of the number of priests in Upper Austria was thus compounded by the logistical nightmare of sending them to the right places.
Rudigier, an ideological warrior who often pleaded for more priests, was not all adept at placing them efficiently, and, especially in Linz, the ratio of lay Catholics per priest increased steadily during his tenure. Doppelbauer kept a much more meticulous tab on the administrative side of running the diocese. To accomplish this, Doppelbauer made the placement of priests a priority of his tenure as bishop. He was meticulous and rigorous in how he selected and placed priests99 and Doppelbauer built a new Jesuit secondary 99 Ebner, "Kollegium Petrinum," p.
This impression is reinforced when examining records from almost any part of his administration. Catholics per Priest in Linz and Upper Austria, The Seminary A central aspect of good diocese administration was thus the priestly seminary, where budding graduates of a Gymnasium could become priests. Raub, Sex, Mord und Schuster Voigt: Der Engel von Bremen: Witzbuecher Volume 1 German Edition Nov 17, Provide feedback about this page.
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