Most of the HR efforts go into identifying the people based on potential and performance and devise policies accordingly. In effect, what it does is control symptoms and some beta errors still pass through. What these additional parameters do is identify some of the factors in influence and visibility, which assess the real health of the team and predict the windfall attrition. In following this approach, the issue becomes knowing the teams and sub teams very well. This requires high quality ground intelligence, which, with the increasing span of HR teams and very little focus on managerial effectiveness initiatives, can be a huge challenge.
But this is one investment which for sure pays in the long term. These catalysts are a part of the team and also work closely with HR to be their eyes and ears. More often than not, a HR catalyst type of model requires informality in the way the model is deployed.
Processizing this can result in false information, and the HR teams need to be very careful about how they engage the catalysts. This concept this works best in specific geographies like India and China, to an extent, where the significance of team is very important due to the way the off-shoring model is structured.
This concept needs to be tweaked for other geographies, where employees might be more used to working and contributing as individuals than as teams and where coming to work at a common place, for a common customer might not be meaningful. In conclusion, an in-depth understanding of the workforce is necessary in order to assess control the causes of attrition.
Retention efforts will then be focused on those employees who are a value-added asset to the organization. January 28 - 30, New Orleans, LA. For further information on how we process and monitor your personal data click here. You can unsubscribe at anytime. Reach HR professionals through cost-effective marketing opportunities to deliver your message, position yourself as a thought leader, and introduce new products, techniques and strategies to the market. Join HR Exchange Network today and interact with a vibrant network of professionals, keeping up to date with the industry by accessing our wealth of articles, videos, live conferences and more.
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Attrition Law and Legal Definition
Conferences Free Online Events Webinars. Anand Kabra attrition employee retention employee engagement retention management windfall attrition. They would not leave me alone. On December 28, , Putin signed Law No. The law is informally known as the Dima Yakovlev law for the Russian toddler who died in the US three months after he was adopted by an American family. It is widely accepted in Russia that the bill was passed in retaliation for the so-called Magnitsky Act , signed into law by US President Barack Obama in December , which called for visa bans and asset freezes on Russian officials implicated in torture and killings of whistleblowers in Russia.
Public controversy around Law No. Less heralded were provisions introducing yet more restrictions on NGOs in Russia. Assets of such organizations can be frozen based on a court decision made at request of a relevant executive agency. Exempt from the law are NGO activities in the areas of science, culture, the arts, health protection, protection of persons with disabilities, protection of plant and animal life, and charity work.
Finally, the law does not require a prior warning for the suspension, nor does it specify a limit on the duration of the suspension. If this restriction is violated, the work of the Russian organization or the representative office of a foreign organization can be suspended. She returned to Moscow during the glasnost period of the early s.
Several Duma deputies denied that this provision was targeted at Alexeeva but pointed out that she would have to step down.
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A number regions followed suit, adopting additional regulations on public assemblies. As noted above, from November through April , massive, peaceful demonstrations took place in Russia without undue police interference. However, as a general rule, even prior to the new assembly law, the right to freedom of assembly in Russia was problematic. If a permit is denied, authorities must offer an alternate venue or time for the event within three days. For example, following the March 4, presidential elections, the authorities refused to authorize demonstrations protesting the election results in St.
Petersburg and Nizhny Novgorod, and police violently dispersed peaceful, unauthorized protests, beating dozens and arresting hundreds of people. The authorities later charged some with disobeying police orders but later released most of them and dropped charges against them. The so-called Strategy rallies in defense of freedom of assembly have been taking place on the 31st day of each month with 31 days in many Russian cities for the last three years. Gay prides continue to be banned in Russia, despite the October ruling of the European Court of Human Rights, which found Russia in violation of freedom of assembly for repeatedly denying activists the right to hold gay rights protests in , , and Russia is a party to a number of human rights treaties — including the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights — that impose obligations on the government to respect the right to free peaceful assembly.
In March the European Commission for Democracy through Law the Venice Commission , an advisory body of the Council of Europe, adopted an opinion on the assembly law.
Laws of Attrition: Crackdown on Russia's Civil Society After Putin's Return to the Presidency
The opinion criticized certain provisions of the law, including the requirement to notify the authorities about a public event and the blanket restrictions on the time and places of public events. The commission recommended that Russian authorities:. Instead, as noted above, the amendments significantly increased the fines for violating rules for holding public events.
Almost immediately after the law entered into force the authorities started applying it, in particular to the political opposition and other activists. In June , Oleg Kozlovsky, Vsevolod Chernozub, and Anastasia Rybachenko, activists with the opposition movement Solidarnost, notified the Moscow authorities of their intent to organize a gathering of up to to protest the public assembly amendments. He also noted the fine of 20, rubles amounted to four minimum monthly wages in Russia. The charges stemmed from Safin and Nabiullin holding an outdoor press conference concerning the recent assassination attempt on the life of a local Islamic leader.
Navalny stated in court that after he finished the protest, a group of journalists followed him to ask questions about the nature of the protest, at which point he was detained and charged with organizing an unauthorized rally. The complaint is currently pending. At the same time, the court ruled that the minimum fine for a violation that did not lead to inflicting damage to health and property must be lowered.
The court noted in its decision that the fines were disproportionate and could lead to persons being fined for minor misdemeanors in amounts that frequently exceeded their average monthly salaries. In addition, the court held that compulsory community service be imposed only as punishment for actions that resulted in inflicting damage to health or property and ruled against a provision of the law that introduced liability of the organizers of public events for harmful actions of its participants, regardless of whether they were guilty of inflicting harm or exercised due care in organizing the event.
Finally, the court ruled against the provision of the law introducing common sites specifically designated for public events, citing a lack of legislative regulation on the federal level that would ensure equal conditions for citizens in all parts of Russia to realize their right to freedom of assembly. The court did not find that the law was adopted in violation of rules of parliamentary procedure. Writing in a separate opinion, Constitutional Court justices Vladimir Yarostlavtsev called the public assembly law unconstitutional and cited serious procedural violations during the process of its adoption.
Known as law No. The bill came into effect on November 1, Once Roskomnadzor adds a website to the Registry, content-hosting providers have 24 hours to notify the website owner to remove the prohibited content. Once the content has been removed, Roskomnadzor removes the website from the Registry. Civil society and industry groups have criticized the definitions of prohibited material as vaguely and broadly defined, leaving too much discretion to government agencies.
In addition, depending on the method of website blocking that ISPs employ — by domain name, uniform resource locator URL , or Internet protocol IP address — the law could lead to disproportionate over-blocking of legal content, with entire services blocked to prevent access to a single video or piece of content.
Crackdown on Russia’s Civil Society after Putin’s Return to the Presidency | HRW
While the public may check whether a specific website is blocked on the Roskomnadzor website, Roskomnadzor does not publish a full list of blocked websites. In addition, as proponents of the law have suggested, the new law will likely promote nationwide adoption by ISPs of an intrusive monitoring method known as Deep Packet Inspection DPI. While ISPs may use DPI for commercial reasons, nationwide adoption, made more likely by the new law, raises concerns for the right to privacy in Russia.
Without stronger oversight and more robust safeguards against illegal surveillance, Law No. And it even shows you which sites he has been to. According to Roskomnadzor, as of March 15, , the agency received 33, requests to place web content in the registry, and the registry contained 4, items.
On November 11, , Roskomnadzor placed Lurkmore. Roskomnadzor similarly banned RuTracker , a file-sharing website, for a period of hours until it deleted a copy of The Suicide Handbook from its database. The Federal Drug Control Service purportedly took issue with a marijuana-related chapter of the book, but the site was reinstated only after the entire file was removed. The blog entry in question, posted in November, included photos of Tibetan independence activists performing self-immolation. In a similar case, Roskomnadzor censored an entry posted by well-known Russian blogger and web designer Artemy Lebedev on February 1, The video, which gathered over 40 million views, was part of a rail safety campaign created by Metro Trains in Melbourne, Australia.
It depicts cartoon characters killing themselves in a number of absurd ways, such as swimming with piranhas or eating old pie, and includes a song describing their deaths. After his entry was added to the unified register along with the Russian version of the YouTube video, Lebedev shared part of the letter he received from Roskomnadzor on his blog. According to the website monitoring agency,.
On February 18, , Lebedev reported on his blog that access to the entry was reinstalled at the request of Roskomnadzor. In March Facebook stated that it had removed content relating to suicide that had been placed on the unified registry, and Twitter stated that it had removed posts that were on the federal registry on the basis that they had drug- and suicide-related content.
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At the same time, the state has criminally prosecuted opposition activists and protesters. As noted at the beginning of this report, Putin emphasized the need to limit the influence of foreign-funded NGOs during his first presidency and thereafter, particularly in the context of the election cycle. A document approved in February and entitled Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation echoed this sentiment.
Officials in several regions have told civil servants and others not to cooperate with representatives of foreign organizations and foreign-funded domestic groups. For example, a directive posted online on the stationary of the regional government of Mari El Republic kilometers east of Moscow urged officials to refrain from participating in any social or public political activities organized by foreign NGOs or Russian NGOs receiving funding from foreign sources. MASHR is one of few rights groups that provides pro bono legal help and monitors human rights in Ingushetia.
The Red Banner quote said,. The claim stated that according to the Federal Law on Countering Extremist Activities, an extremist organization is a group in relation to which a court decision has entered into force dissolving its activity for carrying out extremist activities. Hearings on the case started only in February Unbeknownst to the rally organizers, the Moscow city police department had, the day before, decided that police should block off one of the entrances to the square on May 6, allegedly for security reasons.
In response to the bottleneck, several political opposition leaders called for a sit-down strike, and a handful of protesters tried to break through the police line, in some cases throwing asphalt. Police responded with force, including using rubber truncheons, detaining hundreds of people, including peaceful protesters as well as those who were acting aggressively. A group of members of the Presidential Council on Civil Society Development and Human Rights have questioned the appropriateness of mass rioting charges and called for the detainees to be released prior to trial.
The evidence for the charges is a documentary aired by the pro-Kremlin television station NTV alleging that a Georgian politician and businessman paid Udaltsov to organize the violence to overthrow the government. Udaltsov and Lebedev are being held under house arrest prior to trial. In July another political opposition leader, Alexei Navalny, was charged with embezzlement unrelated to the protest movement in a case that prosecutors had closed in spring for lack of evidence. Investigations into the charges against Udaltsov, Razvozzhaev, and Lebedev have led to broader searches of homes and offices of human rights defenders and political activists who had met with Udaltsov in summer It does not apply to whole armies, where tactical deployment means not all troops will be engaged all the time.
The law of attrition.
It only works where each unit soldier, ship, etc. For this reason, the law does not apply to machine guns, artillery, or nuclear weapons. The law requires an assumption that casualties accumulate over time: Note that Lanchester's square law does not apply to technological force, only numerical force; so it requires an N-squared-fold increase in quality to compensate for an N-fold decrease in quantity.
Suppose that two armies, Red and Blue are engaging each other in combat. Red is shooting a continuous stream of bullets at Blue. Meanwhile, Blue is shooting a continuous stream of bullets at Red. Let symbol A represent the number of soldiers in the Red force at the beginning of the battle. A negative value indicates the loss of soldiers. First, Lanchester's original equations form a continuous time model, whereas the basic salvo equations form a discrete time model.
In a gun battle, bullets or shells are typically fired in large quantities. Each round has a relatively low chance of hitting its target, and does a relatively small amount of damage. Therefore, Lanchester's equations model gunfire as a stream of firepower that continuously weakens the enemy force over time.
By comparison, cruise missiles typically are fired in relatively small quantities. Each one has a high probability of hitting its target, and carries a relatively powerful warhead. Therefore, it makes more sense to model them as a discrete pulse or salvo of firepower in a discrete time model.
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Second, Lanchester's equations include only offensive firepower, whereas the salvo equations also include defensive firepower.