First, Talmudic Judaism, and thus contemporary Judaism, was the equal of Christianity. It developed out of the ancient Hebrew religion parallel, chronologically and theologically, to Christianity. Talmudic Judaism is thus not Christianity's precursor, but rather a viable historical alternative to it. Talmudic Judaism did not represent the "old" testament, but rather a tradition of teaching continuously renewed and embellished by the rabbis.
Thus Talmudic Judaism represents maturity, growth and development, not decay. Thus rather than a mark of its weakness, the ritual, collective and thus, 'embodied' nature of Talmudic Judaism represented its strengths. Consider the vitality of Talmudic Judaism first.
While it is true that the Durkheimians for the most part shared the spirit of Robertson Smith's view via Wellhausen that ancient Hebrew religion consisted primarily in a joyful totemic communion sacrifice, they did not deny the same vitality to Talmudic Judaism, nor did they interpret the ancient Hebrews as 'primitives. Adds Mauss tellingly, "We are far from the savages depicted by MacLennan or the rustics Renan understood us to be".
The Durkheimians thus did not follow the lead of the German Protestant biblical scholars, like Lagarde that the ancient Hebrew religion was 'primitive,' nor that it was the only Jewish religion of value. Further, they did not accept the corollary that post-Prophetic Judaism consisted more or less in a gradual desiccation of a primitive religious spirit. When the Durkheimians consider Talmudic Judaism in their reviews and articles, they dwell on its dynamogenic features--the same vitality Robertson Smith, Lagarde and Wellhausen saw restricted to the ancient Hebrews.
Mauss argued that magic is one sure sign of the vitality of a religion. But if so, and since it survives into Talmudic Judaism at the highest levels in the magical use of the tetragrammaton, Talmudic Judaism too must embody the dynamogenic qualities usually only attributed to so-called 'primitive' religions. Talmudic magic was employed, for example, as a counter-magic and thus as an integral part of Talmudic Judaism's struggles against opposing forms of religious magic. Moreover, even though the Talmudic Jewish magic of Jerusalem represents borrowings from Babylon, it draws equally from indigenous Jewish magical traditions.
Later Judaism, no less than 'primitive' Hebrew religion beloved of the Protestant detractors of Talmudic Judaism, is thus radiant with religious vitality. As we have seen, the synagogue represented everything that critics of Talmudic Judaism found undesirable. Many modernist Jews too, like Bernard-Lazare, saw the synagogue as the spiritual center of a Judaism which he hated for its supposed lack of vitality, mysticism and prophetic energy--in short Judaism lacking all those dynamogenic qualities the Durkheimians would be eager to see there.
But the Durkheimians found the synagogue as the social body of Talmudic Judaism a source of sociological inspiration. Mauss, for example, criticized a study of Jewish religious movements of Jesus's time for stressing the importance of relatively trivial social realities, such as the Jewish sects, and failing to bring out the decisive fact of the formation of the synagogue.
The synagogue's ancient forms of worship, for example, passed directly to Christianity. The fact that Jesus's prayer and that of the Galilean community did not differ from the Jewish prayer of the same epoch. Thus is to be sure most important. Their terminology is the same; their material and form are identical; only the spirit seems to have changed. This could explain many things: The role of Christ was precisely to have distilled from [the prayer life of the synagogue] Here, he rates the religious life of the synagogue if not higher that of the ancient Hebrews, then at least higher than the priestly Judaism of the temple.
As far as the religious life of the temple was concerned P rayer itself was foreign to the ritual of the temple, to the Levitic ritual.
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Non-- verbal rituals seemed to have absorbed all the efforts of the people. Until the destruction of the temple, for example, prayers were only said far from the sanctuary.
But the synagogue differed. The synagogue, on the contrary, seems to have been above all a congregation of the people joined together for prayer From this perspective and before anything else, the synagogue is a praying society. What strikes Mauss as he looks at the synagogue through his Durkheimian eyeglasses is how, because of its prayerful religious practice, its religious life shows all the creative 'effervescent' power typical of the kinds of societies the Durkheimians loved.
The synagogue creates the Judaism which follows--including as well that peculiar deviant Judaism, we now call Christianity. Thus Mauss continues, This movement toward supplication animates the synagogue and [animates] as well the intense movement of the sects Inside the praying community, other communities develop--Ebionites, Essenes, Christians.
As we have noted, these can be seen most clearly in Durkheimian views of the vitality and historical status of Judaism in relation to Christianity, in Durkheimian acuity about the nature and value of the synagogue, ritual practice and so on. It is well to recall that it might well have been otherwise. With the rise of anti-Semitism in France from the 's, a kind of modernist anti-Talmudic zeal would have fit the profile of the Durkheimians as easily as it fit the likes of a Salomon Reinach or Bernard Lazare.
After all, even though Durkheim was a Dreyfusard, he was so on humanist grounds and certainly distanced himself from many of its more exuberant manifestations--even to the point of telling his students not to join the great public demonstrations which marked the cause. Likewise, they granted a permanent, if qualified, place to ritual in religion and in Talmudic Judaism in particular.
Whether his affinities for the Jewish conservatism of their day expresses Durkheim's own nurture at the hands of his rabbi father, his affiliation with the French champions of the scientific study of Judaism in his own circle of acquaintances, or an emergent sense of his own Jewish identity in-the-making, reacting to the growing anti-Semitism of the day, we will probably never know. Then, Durkheim would then have had very good scientific ethical reasons for supporting them--their Jewishness notwithstanding. Consider this in light of Durkheim's discussion of anti-Semitism with Dagan in where Durkheim theoreized on the differences between French and German or Russian anti-Semitisms.
French anti-Semitism was occasional and superficial, primarily an emotional mob response to national economic or political crises. The appearance in France of such scholarly anti-Semitism might then have begun the development in Durkheim of a Jewish identification not there up to that point Why should Durkheim and Mauss as well have been immune from such notoriously potent sources of identification as anti- Semitism?
Anti-Semitism may have worked on the Durkheimians as it had on many others before and since to create a sense of transnational Jewish identification virtually lacking in them up to that time. In this connection, we would do well to link this movement toward a Jewish identity with the stirring words of a younger generation Jewish Durkheimian, Robert Hertz, as he went off to war. Anti- Semites charged that as such consummate bourgeois individualists, Jews were all too willing to "sacrifice" others, and to save themselves from the dangers of death in battle.
Stung by this charge, Hertz declared himself willing to die on behalf of France in order to prove the devotion of French Jewry. But this presentiment changed into a determination to become a sacrifice. Jewish by origin and French by all the thoughts of his mind and strivings of his moral being, he reckoned that the blood of the men of his race and of his own conscience would be usefully shed to liberate their children from all reproaches of egoism, particularist interest and indifference in the eyes of a suspicious France.
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Brothers, it is time to pay our debt of gratitude to the country in which we have found moral emancipation and material well-being. Jewish immigrants, do your duty. The tantalizing nature of this question is equalled only by our inability to answer it conclusively. Basic Books, , n Basic Books, , Robert Alun Jones and Douglas A.
Kibbee, "Durkheim, Language and History: A Pragmatist Perspective," Sociological Theory 11 Ernest Leroux, , University of California, , chs. Their student, W illiam Robertson Smith, shared this prevailing liberal view of degenerate Talmudic Judaism and pristine primitive Hebrew religion. Greenberg, "Bergson and Durkheim as Sons and Assimilators: W ilson and Herman Schnurer, trans.
Free Press, , , Free Press, , Dodd, Mead, , Alcan, , Dodd, Mead, , Essays on Sociology and Philosophy. Harper and Row, Oxford University Press, , Macmillan, , Albert, The Modernization of French Jewry: Brandeis University Press, , Acceptance of Geiger's proposal would in effect have given Judaism official recognition in the Reich, and with it recognition of at least some Jewish authority in the modern world over the study and interpretation of Judaism.
There is evidence that government approval of the new seminaire was influenced by the belief that such an institution would be more "enlightened" than the old Talmudic school of Metz -- even transferred to the secular setting of Paris.
Oeuvres de James Darmesteter
Consistory and Community in the Nineteenth Century. Nonetheless the government continued to support the Talmudic school in Metz. Thus, in , the idea of such a theological school in Paris was finally abandoned by its Jewish proponents. Brandeis University Press, , f. Lyon, , Durkheim's father seems to have completed his education far the too early for the new influences from Germany to have formed him.
Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, , Jacob Neusner, Take Judaism for Example: Studies toward the Comparison of Religions Chicago: University of Chicago, This fact was celebrated by the editors of the Monatschrift on the occasion of the inaugural publication of the Revue. Throughout the years, the Monatschrift noted the publications of its French counterpart, especially the Derenbourgs.
Nothing however of the publications of the Durkheimians was noted in the Monatschrift. Encyclopedia of Judaism Volume Volume 1, 3rd ed, Paris: Ernst Leroux, , Columbia University Press, , Salomon Reinach, "Zadoc-Kahn," Cultes, mythes et religions. Houghton and Mifflin, , Grosset and Dunlap, , New American Library, , Lagarde's political orientations were well known by his contemporaries in France. See the notice of his death in the Revue d'histoire des religions 25 University of California, , Part I, but especially pp.
University of California, , W e will recall that Darmesteter saw in a religious compromise at the heart of the history of Israel. Ezekiel's time represented a compromise between prophetic Israel and its sacerdotal and ritualist religiosity: KTAV, , Mathieson, , Salomon Reinach, "La flagellation rituele," [], Cultes, mythes et religions.
Volume 1, 3rd ed. He began publishing from , first with some articles concerning particular problems of etymology and comparative grammar in the vast field of the Indo-European languages, but gradually he focused on Armenian. Meillet himself stressed that the combination of aspects of general linguistics e.
He tried at the same time to research both the universal principles of linguistic development and the historical and social conditions which are decisive factors for the special character of any given language.
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Particularly he showed how in Latin usage various social strata can be distinguished from one another, how linguistic changes can be traced back to social ones and how different elements of aristocratic, vulgar, and familiar words and the like occur side by side in the vocabulary. In his immensely rich oeuvre of about two dozen books, more than articles and very numerous book reviews nearly all the branches of the Indo-European language family have been treated in some way or other.
In addition he received honorary doctorates from the universities of Berlin , Padua , Dublin , Oxford , and Brussels In the field of Avestan, in which Meillet expressly called James Darmesteter his teacher, he discussed more than once problems of writing in a manner sympathizing with the view of Andreas [q. He regarded the Gathic, i.
After an introduction, dealing mostly with the linguistic questions mentioned above, Meillet turns to the date of Zarathushtra ch. As to their composition ch. Like Bartholomae he assumed that the single metric strophes had originally been linked by connecting pieces in prose, now lost, and that by this assumption the seemingly incoherent juxtaposition of the strophes may find its explanation. In Meillet published a grammar of the Old Persian language Grammaire du vieux perse providing in it an exact description of this language as attested in the then available texts.
In this excellent work, which filled a painfully felt gap, Meillet tried to demonstrate how the comparative method of historical linguistics can help describe a language, the subsystems of which are known only in part. Therefore notes of a comparative nature were inserted only wherever they might contribute to the explanation of a textual passage.
Thus Meillet dealt essentially with the main characteristics of the phonological and morphological aspects of the language, confining himself to those forms which are attested authentically and could be interpreted with a degree of certainty. By this he also made clear which problems had not yet been solved and which linguistic facts were not yet established with sufficient dependability.
The substantial introduction of the book discussed mainly the dialectological position of Persian within the Iranian family of languages, the foreign influences on Old Persian especially in Achaemenid times, and both the stereotyped character and the internal inconsistencies of the inscriptions. Also the linguistic innovations and the incorrect forms of the late Achaemenid texts were dealt with.
Catalog Record: L'Oeuvre poétique de Mary Robinson, 1857-1944 | Hathi Trust Digital Library
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