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We honor your service as well. And finally, I want to acknowledge your neighbors and friends who help keep your — this outstanding operation going, all who help to keep you Army Strong, and that includes Representatives Mike McIntyre, and Dave Price, and Heath Shuler, and Governor Bev Perdue. I know Bev is so proud to have done so much for our military families. So give them a big round of applause. Over the last few months, the final work of leaving Iraq has been done.

Dozens of bases with American names that housed thousands of American troops have been closed down or turned over to the Iraqis. Thousands of tons of equipment have been packed up and shipped out. Tomorrow, the colors of United States Forces-Iraq — the colors you fought under — will be formally cased in a ceremony in Baghdad. Over the last three years, nearly , U.

And over the next few days, a small group of American soldiers will begin the final march out of that country.

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Some of them are on their way back to Fort Bragg. As your Commander-in-Chief, I can tell you that it will indeed be a part of history. Those last American troops will move south on desert sands, and then they will cross the border out of Iraq with their heads held high. One of the most extraordinary chapters in the history of the American military will come to an end. Now, we knew this day would come. But still, there is something profound about the end of a war that has lasted so long.

Now, nine years ago, American troops were preparing to deploy to the Persian Gulf and the possibility that they would be sent to war. Many of you were in grade school. I was a state senator. Many of the leaders now governing Iraq — including the Prime Minister — were living in exile. And since then, our efforts in Iraq have taken many twists and turns. It was a source of great controversy here at home, with patriots on both sides of the debate.

But there was one constant — there was one constant: That did not change. That did not waiver. Indeed, everything that American troops have done in Iraq -— all the fighting and all the dying, the bleeding and the building, and the training and the partnering -— all of it has led to this moment of success. Now, Iraq is not a perfect place. It has many challenges ahead. And we are ending a war not with a final battle, but with a final march toward home. This is an extraordinary achievement, nearly nine years in the making. And today, we remember everything that you did to make it possible.

We remember the early days -— the American units that streaked across the sands and skies of Iraq; the battles from Karbala to Baghdad, American troops breaking the back of a brutal dictator in less than a month. We remember the grind of the insurgency -— the roadside bombs, the sniper fire, the suicide attacks. And in the face of ancient divisions, you stood firm to help those Iraqis who put their faith in the future.

We remember the surge and we remember the Awakening -— when the abyss of chaos turned toward the promise of reconciliation. By battling and building block by block in Baghdad, by bringing tribes into the fold and partnering with the Iraqi army and police, you helped turn the tide toward peace. And we remember the end of our combat mission and the emergence of a new dawn -— the precision of our efforts against al Qaeda in Iraq, the professionalism of the training of Iraqi security forces, and the steady drawdown of our forces.

In handing over responsibility to the Iraqis, you preserved the gains of the last four years and made this day possible. Just last month, some of you — members of the Falcon Brigade —. In an area that was once the heart of the insurgency, a combination of fighting and training, politics and partnership brought the promise of peace. Hard work and sacrifice. Those words only begin to describe the costs of this war and the courage of the men and women who fought it.

We know too well the heavy cost of this war. Over 30, Americans have been wounded, and those are only the wounds that show. Nearly 4, Americans made the ultimate sacrifice — including fallen heroes from here at Fort Bragg — So today, we pause to say a prayer for all those families who have lost their loved ones, for they are part of our broader American family. We grieve with them. Our civilians have represented our country with skill and bravery. Our troops have served tour after tour of duty, with precious little dwell time in between.

Our Guard and Reserve units stepped up with unprecedented service. Through all this, you have shown why the United States military is the finest fighting force in the history of the world. As Michelle mentioned, we also know that the burden of war is borne by your families.

In countless base communities like Bragg, folks have come together in the absence of a loved one. War is where our friends and neighbors go. There are bills to pay and jobs that have to be juggled while picking up the kids. For every soldier that goes on patrol, there are the husbands and the wives, the mothers, the fathers, the sons, the daughters praying that they come back. So today, as we mark the end of the war, let us acknowledge, let us give a heartfelt round of applause for every military family that has carried that load over the last nine years.

You too have the thanks of a grateful nation. Part of ending a war responsibly is standing by those who fought it. We must do it with deeds. You stood up for America; America needs to stand up for you. For those of you who remain in uniform, we will do whatever it takes to ensure the health of our force —- including your families. We will keep faith with you. That will not stop. And after years of rebuilding Iraq, we want to enlist our veterans in the work of rebuilding America. Bill, so that you and your families can get the education that allows you to live out your dreams.

That includes a national effort to put our veterans to work. As Americans, we have a responsibility to learn from your service. A few years ago, on a supply route outside Baghdad, he and his team were engulfed by flames from an RPG attack. Covered with gasoline, he ran into the fire to help his fellow soldiers, and then led them two miles back to Camp Victory where he finally collapsed, covered with burns. When they told him he was a hero, Alvin disagreed. We could do well to learn from Alvin. This country needs to learn from you. Folks in Washington need to learn from you. If you forget it, somebody dies.

If you forget it, a mission fails. Because of you — because you sacrificed so much for a people that you had never met, Iraqis have a chance to forge their own destiny. That says something about who we are. And around the globe, as we draw down in Iraq, we have gone after al Qaeda so that terrorists who threaten America will have no safe haven, and Osama bin Laden will never again walk the face of this Earth.

Because of you, we are ending these wars in a way that will make America stronger and the world more secure. That success was never guaranteed. And let us never forget the source of American leadership: This is who we are. The war in Iraq will soon belong to history. Your service belongs to the ages. Looking back on the war that saved our union, a great American, Oliver Wendell Holmes, once paid tribute to those who served. It was given to us to learn at the outset that life is a profound and passionate thing.

All of you here today have lived through the fires of war. You will be remembered for it. You will be honored for it — always. You have done something profound with your lives. When this nation went to war, you signed up to serve. When times were tough, you kept fighting. When there was no end in sight, you found light in the darkness. And years from now, your legacy will endure in the names of your fallen comrades etched on headstones at Arlington, and the quiet memorials across our country; in the whispered words of admiration as you march in parades, and in the freedom of our children and our grandchildren.

And in the quiet of night, you will recall that your heart was once touched by fire. You will know that you answered when your country called; you served a cause greater than yourselves; you helped forge a just and lasting peace with Iraq, and among all nations.

I could not be prouder of you, and America could not be prouder of you. Leveling one of the more serious charges that a defense secretary could make against a commander in chief sending forces into combat, Gates asserts that Obama had more than doubts about the course he had charted in Afghanistan. Memoirs of a Secretary at War. Obama, after months of contentious discussion with Gates and other top advisers, deployed 30, more troops in a final push to stabilize Afghanistan before a phased withdrawal beginning in mid As a candidate, Obama had made plain his opposition to the Iraq invasion while embracing the Afghanistan war as a necessary response to the terrorist attacks on the United States, requiring even more military resources to succeed.

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Their different worldviews produced a rift that, at least for Gates, became personally wounding and impossible to repair. It is rare for a former Cabinet member, let alone a defense secretary occupying a central position in the chain of command, to publish such an antagonistic portrait of a sitting president. Gates is 70, nearly 20 years older than Obama.

He has worked for every president going back to Richard Nixon, with the exception of Bill Clinton. Throughout his government career, he was known for his bipartisan detachment, the consummate team player. Why did I so dislike being back in government and in Washington? His lament about Washington was not the only factor contributing to his unhappiness. Gates also writes of the toll taken by the difficulty of overseeing wars against terrorism and insurgencies in countries such as Iraq and Afghanistan. Such wars do not end with a clear surrender; Gates acknowledges having ambiguous feelings about both conflicts.

Three years later, Bush recruited Gates — who had served his father for 15 months as CIA director in the early s — to take on the defense job. The president conceded vaguely that opposition to the Iraq surge had been political. To hear the two of them making these admissions, and in front of me, was as surprising as it was dismaying. Earlier in the book, he describes Hillary Clinton in the sort of glowing terms that might be used in a political endorsement.

That focus tends to give short shrift to the fuller, established record. Obama asked everyone involved to sign on, signaling agreement. Petraeus, then the central commander in charge of both the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, made remarks to the press suggesting he was not comfortable with setting a fixed date to start withdrawal. As I sat there, I thought: At times, the two threads intertwine. For example, after the devastating Haitian earthquake that had left tens of thousands dead, Gates met with Obama and Donilon, the deputy national security adviser, about disaster relief.

Southern Command] was competent to lead this effort. It took every bit of my self-discipline to stay seated on the sofa. His second year with Obama proved as tough as the first. Though Gates says he supported the decision, there had been months and months of debate, with details still to work out. His White House was by far the most centralized and controlling in national security of any I had seen since Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger ruled the roost.

Gates says his instructions to the Pentagon were: Life at the top was no picnic, Gates writes. He did little or no socializing. And every morning before dawn, I would ritually look up at that stunning white statue of Lincoln, say good morning, and sadly ask him, How did you do it? But Gates says he did not speak his mind when the committee chairman listed the problems he would face as secretary. I have walked right into the middle of a category-five shitstorm.

It was the first of many, many times I would sit at the witness table thinking something very different from what I was saying. He repeatedly describes his affection for the troops, especially those in combat. The firm is called RiceHadleyGates. In October, he became president-elect of the Boy Scouts of America. In a new memoir, Mr. Gates, a Republican holdover from the Bush administration who served for two years under Mr.

Gates says that by , Mr. Obama began criticizing — sometimes emotionally — the way his policy in Afghanistan was playing out. At a pivotal meeting in the situation room in March , called to discuss the withdrawal timetable, Mr. Obama opened with a blast of frustration — expressing doubts about Gen. Petraeus, the commander he had chosen, and questioning whether he could do business with the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai.

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Gates offers pages of detailed history of his personal wars with Congress, the Pentagon bureaucracy and, in particular, Mr. Gates at the Pentagon gave his national security team a respected professional and veteran of decades at the center of American foreign policy — and offered a bipartisan aura. But it was not long before Mr. Gates describes his running policy battles within Mr. Lute, the Army lieutenant general who managed Afghan policy issues at the time. He has high praise for Hillary Rodham Clinton, who served as secretary of state when he was at the Pentagon and was a frequent ally on national security issues.

Gates does say that, in defending her support for the Afghan surge, she confided that her opposition to Mr. Obama, then an antiwar senator, in the Iowa primary. In the same conversation, Mr. Gates discloses that he almost quit in September after a dispute-filled meeting to assess the way ahead in Afghanistan, including the number of troops that were needed. In response to Mr. Gates is a bipartisan critic of the two presidents he served as defense secretary. He holds the George W. Bush administration responsible for misguided policy that squandered the early victories in Afghanistan and Iraq, although he credits Mr.

Bush with ordering a troop surge in Iraq that averted collapse of the mission. And he says that only he and Mr. Gates does not spare himself from criticism. Gates acknowledges that he initially opposed sending Special Operations forces to attack a housing compound in Pakistan where Osama bin Laden was believed to be hiding. Gates writes that Mr. In his final chapter, Mr. Gates reveals the depth of Mr. Gates, too, ordered a campaign to stamp out unauthorized disclosures, but grew rankled when White House officials always blamed the Pentagon for leaks.

Gates, who began public service as an Air Force intelligence officer, tells of emotional meetings with troops in combat, with those who suffered horrific wounds and with their families. Gates writes in closing his memoir. A Memoir of Leadership in War and Peace. Through the fall of , the main question facing the American military in Iraq was what our role would be now that combat operations were over. When President Obama announced the end of our combat mission in August , he acknowledged that we would maintain troops for a while.

Now that the deadline was upon us, however, it was clear to me—and many others—that withdrawing all our forces would endanger the fragile stability then barely holding Iraq together. Privately, the various leadership factions in Iraq all confided that they wanted some U. But none was willing to take that position publicly, and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki concluded that any Status of Forces Agreement, which would give legal protection to those forces, would have to be submitted to the Iraqi parliament for approval. That made reaching agreement very difficult given the internal politics of Iraq, but representatives of the Defense and State departments, with scrutiny from the White House, tried to reach a deal.

We could, for instance, have threatened to withdraw reconstruction aid to Iraq if al-Maliki would not support some sort of continued U. To my frustration, the White House coordinated the negotiations but never really led them. The deal never materialized. To this day, I believe that a small U.

The memoir comes out on October 7. Hillary Rodham Clinton last year provided the State Department with 55, pages of emails that she said were related to her work as secretary of state, all from the personal account she exclusively used while leading the department.

Roughly pages of those emails that relate to Libya and the attacks on the United States outposts in Benghazi were handed over to a special committee appointed to investigate the attacks. In response to a request from Mrs. Clinton, the State Department plans to release those emails in the coming days. The New York Times obtained more than a third of those documents and has provided a guide to some of the key findings related to the Benghazi attacks below. From to , Sidney Blumenthal, a longtime friend and confidant who was a senior adviser to Mrs.

Clinton during her presidential campaign, sent her at least 25 memos about Libya, including several about the Benghazi attacks. Clinton forwarded most of them to Jake Sullivan, her trusted foreign policy adviser. Sullivan would then send the memos along to other senior State Department officials, asking for their feedback. There is no evidence those officials were told that the memos were from Mr. In April , J. Christopher Stevens, the ambassador who died in the Benghazi attacks, was asked by Mr.

Clinton, said that Mr. Blumenthal had not been working for the government in any official capacity at the time and that his emails to Mrs. Clinton had not been solicited. Stevens and three other Americans, Mr. Clinton a memo with his intelligence about what had occurred. Clinton forwarded the memo to Mr. Clinton a more thorough account of what had occurred. Those militants had ties to Al Qaeda, had planned the attacks for a month and had used a nearby protest as cover for the siege, the memo said.

Clinton said in an email to Mr. Republicans have said the administration misled the country about the attacks because it did not want to undermine the notion that President Obama, who was up for re-election, was winning the war on terrorism. Obama was re-elected, Mr. Clinton an article on a left-leaning website. Obama as weak on terrorism. Clinton forwarded the email to Mr.

She did not say to which Ben she was referring, but one of Mr. Rhodes, who handles communications and speechwriting. Clinton then told Mr. Blumenthal said in response. That information included the whereabouts and travel plans of American officials in Libya as security there deteriorated during the uprising against the leadership of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi in Nearly a year and a half before the attacks in Benghazi, Mr. Stevens, then an American envoy to the rebels, considered leaving Benghazi citing deteriorating security, according to an email to Mrs. Mort de Ben Laden: Selon le journaliste Seymour Hersh prix Pulitzer en , cela ne fait aucun doute.

Hersh London Review of Books 21 May Hersh is writing an alternative history of the war on terror. He was hiding in the open. This remains the White House position despite an array of reports that have raised questions, including one by Carlotta Gall in the New York Times Magazine of 19 March The story was denied by US and Pakistani officials, and went no further. In his book Pakistan: And the idea was that, at the right time, his location would be revealed. And the right time would have been when you can get the necessary quid pro quo — if you have someone like Osama bin Laden, you are not going to simply hand him over to the United States.

This spring I contacted Durrani and told him in detail what I had learned about the bin Laden assault from American sources: Two other US sources, who had access to corroborating information, have been longtime consultants to the Special Operations Command. The White House did not respond to requests for comment. It began with a walk-in. He offered to tell the CIA where to find bin Laden in return for the reward that Washington had offered in The walk-in passed the test.

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The US initially kept what it knew from the Pakistanis. The CIA rented a house in Abbottabad to use as a forward observation base and staffed it with Pakistani employees and foreign nationals. Later on, the base would serve as a contact point with the ISI; it attracted little attention because Abbottabad is a holiday spot full of houses rented on short leases.

A psychological profile of the informant was prepared. The informant and his family were smuggled out of Pakistan and relocated in the Washington area. He is now a consultant for the CIA. Do we drop a bunker buster on the compound or take him out with a drone strike? Perhaps send someone to kill him, single assassin style? In October, Obama was briefed on the intelligence. His response was cautious, the retired official said. It was just too crazy. They believed they would get this if they got DNA evidence, and if they could assure him that a night assault of the compound would carry no risk.

Bank was also told by the walk-in that bin Laden was very ill, and that early on in his confinement at Abbottabad, the ISI had ordered Amir Aziz, a doctor and a major in the Pakistani army, to move nearby to provide treatment. Who was about to grab his AK? And they chose the carrot. It was a win-win. We also did a little blackmail. The Saudis feared if we knew we would pressure the Pakistanis to let bin Laden start talking to us about what the Saudis had been doing with al-Qaida. And they were dropping money — lots of it. The Pakistanis, in turn, were concerned that the Saudis might spill the beans about their control of bin Laden.

The fear was that if the US found out about bin Laden from Riyadh, all hell would break out. Despite their constant public feuding, American and Pakistani military and intelligence services have worked together closely for decades on counterterrorism in South Asia. The belief is mirrored in Pakistan. The attitude is different in the American military.

The senior Pakistani officers believe they are the elite and have got to look out for all of the people, as keepers of the flame against Muslim fundamentalism. The Pakistanis also know that their trump card against aggression from India is a strong relationship with the United States. They will never cut their person-to-person ties with us.

Like all CIA station chiefs, Bank was working undercover, but that ended in early December when he was publicly accused of murder in a criminal complaint filed in Islamabad by Karim Khan, a Pakistani journalist whose son and brother, according to local news reports, had been killed by a US drone strike. Allowing Bank to be named was a violation of diplomatic protocol on the part of the Pakistani authorities, and it brought a wave of unwanted publicity.

Bank was ordered to leave Pakistan by the CIA, whose officials subsequently told the Associated Press he was transferred because of concerns for his safety. There was speculation that he was outed as payback for the publication in a New York lawsuit a month earlier of the names of ISI chiefs in connection with the Mumbai terrorist attacks of The Pakistanis needed cover in case their co-operation with the Americans in getting rid of bin Laden became known.

The Pakistanis could say: We just kicked out your station chief. The bin Laden compound was less than two miles from the Pakistan Military Academy, and a Pakistani army combat battalion headquarters was another mile or so away. The risks for Obama were high at this early stage, especially because there was a troubling precedent: Was the whole story a product of Pakistani deception? What about political blowback in case of failure?

Obama was anxious for reassurance that the US was going to get the right man. The planners turned for help to Kayani and Pasha, who asked Aziz to obtain the specimens. Soon after the raid the press found out that Aziz had been living in a house near the bin Laden compound: In his subsequent testimony to a Pakistani commission investigating the bin Laden raid, Aziz said that he had witnessed the attack on Abbottabad, but had no knowledge of who was living in the compound and had been ordered by a superior officer to stay away from the scene. Bargaining continued over the way the mission would be executed.

You have to come in lean and mean. The agreement was struck by the end of January , and Joint Special Operations Command prepared a list of questions to be answered by the Pakistanis: What are the defences inside the compound and its exact dimensions? How many steps in the stairway?

Where are the doors to his rooms, and are they reinforced with steel?

By then, the military had constructed a mock-up of the compound in Abbottabad at a secret former nuclear test site in Utah, and an elite Seal team had begun rehearsing for the attack. The provision of 18 new F fighter aircraft was delayed, and under-the-table cash payments to the senior leaders were suspended. They let the Taliban and al-Qaida leadership know that if they ran operations that clashed with the interests of the ISI, they would turn bin Laden over to us.

So if it became known that the Pakistanis had worked with us to get bin Laden at Abbottabad, there would be hell to pay.

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At one of his meetings with Panetta, according to the retired official and a source within the CIA, Pasha was asked by a senior CIA official whether he saw himself as acting in essence as an agent for al-Qaida and the Taliban. We were very reluctant, but it had to be done — not because of personal enrichment, but because all of the American aid programmes would be cut off. The deal was not only to keep the taps open, but Pasha was told there would be more goodies for us. The American cell at Tarbela Ghazi was charged with co-ordinating communications between the ISI, the senior US officers at their command post in Afghanistan, and the two Black Hawk helicopters; the goal was to ensure that no stray Pakistani fighter plane on border patrol spotted the intruders and took action to stop them.

All units in the Joint Special Operations Command operate under stringent secrecy and the JSOC leadership believed, as did Kayani and Pasha, that the killing of bin Laden would not be made public for as long as seven days, maybe longer. Then a carefully constructed cover story would be issued: The Americans who planned the mission assured Kayani and Pasha that their co-operation would never be made public.

It was understood by all that if the Pakistani role became known, there would be violent protests — bin Laden was considered a hero by many Pakistanis — and Pasha and Kayani and their families would be in danger, and the Pakistani army publicly disgraced. It was clear to all by this point, the retired official said, that bin Laden would not survive: Too many people in the Pakistani chain of command know about the mission.

He and Kayani had to tell the whole story to the directors of the air defence command and to a few local commanders. It was clearly and absolutely a premeditated murder. The US has consistently maintained, despite widely reported remarks by people involved with the mission, that bin Laden would have been taken alive if he had immediately surrendered. At the Abbottabad compound ISI guards were posted around the clock to keep watch over bin Laden and his wives and children.

They were under orders to leave as soon as they heard the rotors of the US helicopters. The town was dark: One of the Black Hawks crashed inside the walls of the compound, injuring many on board. The cockpit of the crashed Black Hawk, with its communication and navigational gear, had to be destroyed by concussion grenades, and this would create a series of explosions and a fire visible for miles. Two Chinook helicopters had flown from Afghanistan to a nearby Pakistani intelligence base to provide logistical support, and one of them was immediately dispatched to Abbottabad. But because the helicopter had been equipped with a bladder loaded with extra fuel for the two Black Hawks, it first had to be reconfigured as a troop carrier.

The crash of the Black Hawk and the need to fly in a replacement were nerve-wracking and time-consuming setbacks, but the Seals continued with their mission. There was no firefight as they moved into the compound; the ISI guards had gone. Had there been any opposition, the team would have been highly vulnerable.

The Seal squad used explosives to blow the doors open, without injuring anyone. Aside from those that hit bin Laden, no other shots were fired. Osama was cowering and retreated into the bedroom. Two shooters followed him and opened up. Very simple, very straightforward, very professional hit. The house was shabby and bin Laden was living in a cell with bars on the window and barbed wire on the roof.

The rules of engagement were that if bin Laden put up any opposition they were authorised to take lethal action. But if they suspected he might have some means of opposition, like an explosive vest under his robe, they could also kill him. The rules gave them absolute authority to kill the guy. The Black Hawk is still burning. There are no city lights. They have no prisoners. The guys just stuffed some books and papers they found in his room in their backpacks.

And they were not intelligence experts gathering information inside that house. On a normal assault mission, the retired official said, there would be no waiting around if a chopper went down. They would not have blown the chopper — no commo gear is worth a dozen lives — unless they knew they were safe. Instead they stood around outside the compound, waiting for the bus to arrive. The backroom argument inside the White House began as soon as it was clear that the mission had succeeded. Should Obama stand by the agreement with Kayani and Pasha and pretend a week or so later that bin Laden had been killed in a drone attack in the mountains, or should he go public immediately?

The explosion and fireball would be impossible to hide, and word of what had happened was bound to leak. Robert Gates, the secretary of defence, was the most outspoken of those who insisted that the agreements with Pakistan had to be honoured. In his memoir, Duty, Gates did not mask his anger:.


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Before we broke up and the president headed upstairs to tell the American people what had just happened, I reminded everyone that the techniques, tactics and procedures the Seals had used in the bin Laden operation were used every night in Afghanistan … it was therefore essential that we agree not to release any operational details of the raid.

That we killed him, I said, is all we needed to say. Everybody in that room agreed to keep mum on details. That commitment lasted about five hours. The facts were often wrong … Nonetheless the information just kept pouring out. This series of self-serving and inaccurate statements would create chaos in the weeks following.

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