Il costo della vita: Storia di una tragedia operaia (Frontiere Einaudi) (Italian Edition)

However, he is still uncertain of the use he will make of these competences in the future. Should he use them in the academic field to educate young people or should he put them at the service of the economic and political recon- struction of the Country? In , Dossetti helps Fanfani to solve his doubts by offering him the leadership of the propaganda and cultural department of the Christian Democracy.

The implied controversial structure of this position will not go un- noticed to the reader, in contrast with the idea of a totalitarian State, a State-horizon, a container-State, which absorbs the individual rather than putting itself at his services. Thus, the role of the Christian reformer is to favor the fulfillment of the individual. The Christian reformer is the one who prepares society to be at the service of the individual. This function is not, as it can be under- stood, peculiar to Catholicism. The history of economic politics showed Fanfani that the great reformers were not moved by a religious idea.

Fan- fani as a catholic, feels the need to engage the figure of the catholic re- former within the greater history of salvation: His was a religious reform, a general example, which Christian reformers should follow according to their fields of expertise and the historical period. After September 8, Fanfani goes in exile to Switzerland where he organizes academic courses for the Italian refugees. He will come back to Italy in Since, this initial revolutionary moment, unique in the history of mankind, has risen the idea of history as release from the obstacles that men set for other men, preventing their development.

Thus, a new profession rises from this period, that of the Christian reformer whose tasks are to understand the specific conditions of the society in which he lives and to keep his eyes open to see the difficulties, resistances and obstacles in the path which leads to fulfillment, undertaken by the individual against the powerful.

According to Fanfani, the Christian social reformer assumes a specific position in the his- tory of mankind: Further, the success of the reform he undertakes, certifies the quality of its message in front of non believers. Hence, the Christian reformer is, in a way, not only the minister, but also the witness of his own faith: It can be affirmed that in the volume, Fanfani built a specific ideology of com- mitment, which he will assume within society later on.

It now remains to clarify, on what the reforming action envisaged by Fanfani will be exerted, specifically for the Christian reformer. One needs to ask, what type of society will be subjected to his reforming activ- ity? And, what society will arise from such an action? Answering the first question: In a essay, Fanfani defines capitalism as a disoriented economic society,22 a society, which has lost its own end. The types of economic society that he analyzes are distributed along a vast chronological period of time.

We have already talked of Medieval society and of its restrained nature. Such boundary disappears in a humanistic-renaissance society, which sets the fame of the bourgeois as its ultimate end, oblivious of God and His glory. The productive moment of this society is controlled by the principle of unlimited accumulation, while the distributive one is characterized by self-interest, which keeps the surplus.

Fanfani, Economia orientata However, according to Fanfani, the distributive self-interest or that in- clination of man to act in accordance with the principle of maximizing profit by minimizing the costs and increasing incomes, has to be safe- guarded. What needs to change is the distribution phase. A welfare society will establish a natural incentive for workers to make progresses in the production phase, which will function under the rules of capitalism. Fanfani, Premesse per una riforma economico-sociale cristiana , p. How did Fanfani formulate this plan?

Was it the intuition of an economic theorist or the product of a long historical reflection, which brought him to reject forms of economic organization, which resulted to be inefficient? In a writing included among those written in honor of Luzzato,25 Fan- fani recognizes that his rational society was conceived by history, which showed as disastrous the experiment of a whole socialization economic aspects of totalitarian regimes, such as the Soviet, the national-socialist and the fascist ones.

Likewise, it was disastrous the example of a society purely ruled by instinct as the laissez-faire one, which leaves the productive and distributive phases to the freedom of the economic operators. During the reconstruction time, Fanfani wrote: How- ever, it lacked a Biblical justification, a very important trait for a Catholic writer.

Hence, Fanfani made use of the parable of the talents from the Gospel: He is delighted that most of the servants have accomplished His order, by increasing their supply. Only the unfaithful servant brings back what he initially received. The parable offers a theological foundation to the society proposed by Fanfani.

Trading capital following the spirit of business initiative is not a sinful action, by the opposite it is required by the master who will judge his servants according to their spirit of enterprise. Fanfani, Aspirazioni contemporanee per la risoluzione del problema economico , probably written before the enactment of the Constitution.

Catholicism, Protestantism, and Capitalism 39 be regardless of this aspiration spirit of enterprise which tries to maxi- mize profit. In a way it is an organized and ideally completed group. The next step, that Fanfani should accomplish will be of implementing it. If the liberal constitutions allowed citizens to partake in the political scene, the social constitutions, as the one that Italy was drafting, will be a new mold able to direct the future society towards the solution of primary economic problems such as famine and unemployment. Fanfani, as it is known, worked towards this direction at the Consti- tutional Assembly.

His contribution to the economic subcommittee was significant: The thesis, according to which capitalism could be the object of a profound reforming action, as Fanfani argued, has recently caused the aversion of some Catholic intellectuals. As a consequence of the defeat of the so-called real socialism in , they propel the most critical Catholics towards capitalism to give up their perplexities on this system and to put aside every anxiety of reform, since capitalism came out as a winner from 27 A. Fanfani, Premesse per una riforma economica sociale cristiana , p. He was a member of the Committee of the Seventy-five who had the task to draft the new Italian Constitution.

In this role, within the works of the iii Subcommittee, he was the spokesperson on the theme of social control of the economic activity. According to them, capitalism embodied many of the values shared by its critics as Catholics. Michael Novak, in particular, has harshly criticized the catholic Fanfani, stating that he has given an unfair image of capitalism in the course of his entire career and in his book Cattolicesimo e protestantesimo nella formazione storica del capitalismo.

If innovations can be discerned as product innova- tions and process innovations and if they could create new products and new markets or new technological proceedings, then the economic system, able to implement all this, deserves a greater consideration and favor from catholic intellectuals. Further, he invites to pay no attention to authors like Fanfani to whom Novak is grateful, in a way, for directing him to the study of economy and to welcome a new vision of capitalism as a system which allows to create with freedom.

A further topic presented by the American writer regards an economic emergency, which has been present for a long time in Western economies. The Welfare State or statism which had its best times after World War ii, entered in an irreversible crisis caused by the financial weight it entails. On 31 See Novak Catholicism, Protestantism, and Capitalism 41 the other hand, co-creative capitalism would also be able to solve the irrevers- ible crisis of Western economies.

However, he is certain that it could not be welcomed or rejected only on the basis of ideologi- cal preference. In this respect, the history we recounted could help us reflect. The change in behavior requested by the American liberal Catholics has recently provoked intense reactions. To solve the question, which still remains of great importance, nobody has turned to historical awareness, at least until nowadays, which could clarify many aspect of the problem.

A. Ferracuti

By republishing this volume on Amintore Fanfani, retracing his life events and observing how his way of thinking had the unique fate to im- 33 Cf. Novak and by C. The reader will perceive that in the United States this question is strongly felt. The United States are a melting pot of confrontations between different cultural and religious identities and are also theater of a heated conflict of interests among very different economic sectors.

This conflict requires a refined cultural elaboration, without which even the interests beneath would find hard to be established in the real world. The above-mentioned elaboration makes works, such those written by Fanfani in a political and cultural context belonging to many years ago, white-hot contemporary.

The aim of this introduction could not be that of agreeing with one side or the other of the current debate. If this introduction has a meaning, it would be that of providing a more calm scientific and historiographic picture in which the opposing sides could keep on having a dialogue. It is likely, it will help readers to have a less generalized idea on the position of catholic intellectuals, who, as Novak, have limited themselves to make marginal objections about the ultimate achievement of an eco- nomic system centered on free enterprise.

After the fall of the socialist alternative to capitalism, as we observed, some catholic intellectuals questioned whether it was the mo- ment to give up the latent hostility towards the economic system called, in the debate at the beginning of the last century, capitalism. Indeed, it is an actual fact, which poses a problem that cannot go un- noticed.

A problem, that like many social problems, can have many solu- tions. The in- crease in productivity, due to the implementation of scientific innovations in productivity, should be the solution, which allows us not to derail by dissipating the legacy of reforms acquired until now. His invitation is not to darken because of mistrust, to free the fantasy of the social reformer and finally to envision new economic solutions which will not mortify the individual. Presentation of Catholicism, Protestantism, and Capitalism 1.

This military imagery turns into a competitive one: What is the outlook of the current debate between Catholic liberals and Catholic socialists? This is the question, which interests me. The last question is: The Catholic Liberals It has been said that whoever is looking for a clear and brief descrip- tion of what the West is, could be satisfied once the following definition is found: The 35 See Popper which gathered the two volumes published in Italy on De- cember, and on January, It seems that the economic one, in other words the market economy, spreads with more difficulty than the others, no mat- ter what those who glorify globalization say.

According to the Catholic liberals, this aversion and hostility would contribute to delay the triumphant progress of economic liberalism in the world. Catholic liberals are profoundly committed in reducing the hostility of other Catholics towards capitalism. Obviously, there is more than one way to do so.

Hence, if the first generation of the DC De Gasperi and Sturzo fought against the Moloch of an all-acting state, the second Catholic generation, of Fanfani and La Pira, was definitely a statist one. Hence, Sturzo asks himself with regret, why this second genera- tion, who experienced Fascism, followed the motto: Presentation of Catholicism, Protestantism, and Capitalism 47 The patriarchs are certainly important to the eyes of the Catholic- liberals. However, their effort to value Catholicism cannot stop so pre- maturely.

This is the reason why they represent the great liberal think- ers of some decades ago. In this case, the most visited authors are von Hayek and Karl Popper. The former is not only proposed as economist again, but also as philosopher: Moreover, Catholic liberals do not stop recalling their patriarchs and the great liberals of the past. They also try to appreciate the contempo- rary ones. An example of this is Michael Novak, an American Catholic econo- mist, who was initially a follower of Fanfani and now a firm neo-conser- vative. Novak asks Catholics to not cherish their usual mistrust towards capitalism, but rather to embrace creative capitalism and to give up the eagerness of reforming the old economic system.

He acknowledges that it was Fanfani who propelled his interest for economy, but he confesses that nowadays Fanfani has become his negative hero.

Finally, Catholic liberals agree on a generally accepted conclusion: So what does this book represent? If one had the possibility of putting it briefly, it should be said that this volume is only a page of a bigger book, which contains the famous debate that absorbed European intellectuals between the Nineteenth and Twentieth Century. At that time, scholars were disputing the right answer to the following question: Fan- fani criticized Weber who gave his answer in But it was something substantially different: In , Fanfani discusses his thesis on the Effetti economici dello scisma inglese [Economic Effects of the British Schism].

Cattolicesimo e protestantesimo nella formazione storica del capitalismo Catholicism, Protestantism and Capitalism. Critics appreciate the work, and in , ten years later, a second revised edition is published. The book receives great attention even abroad, where it is translated in many languages. Sixty years after being published for the first time, it cannot be said that the book had a limited circulation.

Kennedy confessed to Fanfani, who visited him as president of the UN General Assembly, that he kept a copy of the book on his desk, almost as a guide to consult in the frenetic whirlwind of political decision-making. Presentation of Catholicism, Protestantism, and Capitalism 49 4. The two scholars answered the same question in different ways, or rather in an antithetical way: According to Weber, capitalism originates from Calvinism. Its value is that of being a signal, as a road sign, which ensures the pilgrim that the road undertaken to reach the eternal life is the right one.

According to Fanfani, religion has little to do with the accumulative process, which brought to the birth of a new economic system. The causes are different, and they are all of non-religious nature. Fan- fani affirms that the process would have been stimulated more by an in- crease in the assets per capita, due to the decrease in population, caused by the plague in the Fourteenth Century. Likewise, the process was also favored by the disappearance of the old spirit of distributive generosity in favor of the poor.

Therefore, accumulations were favored, so to speak, by the wave of the plague and by the gust of fearful greed, but not by the breath of the religious spirit. Hence, the accumulation of wealth was not due to a single religious cause; rather it was the outcome of a plurality of causes, as Economic History teaches us and as Fanfani claimed, when he was an academic, not yet involved in politics.

At this point of our discourse, it is natural to ask: According to us, his message is: Everything happened before, during the Renaissance, rather than the Protestant Reform. Every- thing happened when the Middle Ages became sick: According to Fanfani, it is not an actual glory. Fanfani concludes by saying that the validation of the opinion, accord- ing to which Catholicism and capitalism are incompatible, is left to pos- terity. By contrast, it is up to contemporaries to undertake a reform that cannot be postponed: It is easy to understand, that this model, but most of all its implementa- tion, could not arouse the enthusiasm of catholic liberals.

They object that society can never be devised in an utopian way by men, who by establishing a plan, act as arrogant social engineers. It is obvi- ously a possible reading, but according to me, it may be an inaccurate one. Fanfani argues that absolute liberal- ism failed permanently at the end of the Nineteenth Century; likewise, the totalitarian regimes with a social background sunk with the wars of the Twentieth Century.

As a consequence, Fanfani concludes by affirming that experience suggests the best that can be found in both of them. We will do this by isolating only two points. In- stead, he trusts history, which he understands as a social laboratory where the bits and pieces of complex social machineries are assembled and dis- mantled, and where possible social and economic models are selected in a Darwinian way to seek for more favorable combinations.

In other words, Fanfani is not looking for a perfect society, rather for a better society, deduced not from a utopia, but from historical experience. Finally, one must acknowledge that for Fanfani, this search is like breath for his mind, and you can do everything in the world, but you cannot stop breathing. It was the crisis of the social, economic and capitalistic system. In eight years time, the Berlin Wall would have fallen and commu- nism, which for the last sixty-five years had claimed to represent its insur- mountable barrier, would have fallen apart miserably.

Capitalism would have spread everywhere, transforming the world in a globalized village, so much discussed nowadays. Would it have been possible that a book, published five years before , could have been able to prevent the double catastrophe of ? No, a book would not have been enough. Nevertheless, an attempt was made through this volume, presented to the reader in this chapter. Do we want to define it as an ambitious attempt? Do we want to say that it was almost utopian? Was it perhaps the invention of a dreamer?

The editor Mursia printed it in his publishing house. The political world reacted immediately, along with the many evaluations and controversies that shook political journalism. The main newspapers published important reviews of the book, others published only some snatches. Surely it can be said, that even before the book hit the bookshelves, it had already been known widely. Hence, the anticipation increased and provoked different comments. The press welcomed the book according to its sensitivity and its own interests.

The worst attack to the volume was the accusation of encrypted Marxism: According to Fortebraccio, the anti-Marxist ostentation paradoxically adopted a Marxist terminology. However, not every magazine was willing to talk about these high topics. Other readings were more far-sighted and sustained—as an anonymous journalist from the Nuova Destra New Right did Capitalism, Collectivity and 43 Fanfani was elected on September 21 , with preferences on ; he remained in office until December 21 of the same year.

Since they had not been implemented, Fan- fani fiercely highlighted them in his book. These critics concerned the contents of the text, not the author. Fanfani was a peculiar charac- ter. Indeed, his career was marked by many exits from and returns to the political scene.

Even his recent defeat in occasion of the divorce referen- dum ,46 was not enough to make him withdraw from the political game. On the one hand, the selfish individualism controlled the profit sharing and exploited the productive factors especially the working force. On the other hand, workers took part in the technical productive process and at a fairer profit sharing. His professors are Marcello Boldrini statistics , Angelo Mauri his- tory of the economic thought , Francesco Vito economy. He graduated in under the direction of Jacopo Mazzei.

Fanfani, Cattolicesimo e protestantesimo nella formazione storica del capitalismo ; ; The volume which focuses on the debates around the fate of capitalism, called into question after the great crisis of , obtains a great success among critics and is translated abroad. As a consequence, since this spirit is inner to human nature, one cannot talk of a birth of capitalism, but rather of an awakening, caused by favorable external circumstances throughout the different historical pe- riods. In other words, capitalism was propelled by the overall economic history, rather than by a single religious cause.

In CPC, Fanfani highlights the change in international trade flows at the end of the Fourteenth Century, as the main cause, which favored the awakening of capitalism. While in CCP, he underlines as cause, the special atmosphere formed within the small communities of international catho- lic traders in foreign Countries. CPC was neither the work of a scholar, nor that of a politician, rather it was an academic work written by a Professor. This witnesses the fact that his political phase was not started yet. In the period between and , Fanfani was far from undertaking politics.

Moreover, his activity 48 The work was translated in English in , , , , , and , Spanish in and , Portugues and Japanese Capitalism, Collectivity, Participation 57 in the refugee camps was entirely oriented to academic teaching and to the improvement of printed works and ongoing researches.

It was only after his return to Italy, that he started to get involved with the DC, thanks to Giuseppe Dossetti. He also took part in the Constitu- tional Assembly along with Giorgio La Pira and other important Christian democrats. This position helped him acquire an international overview and international relations which will allow him, in the following ten years, to speak with even more authority to his compatriots, as well as to the West- ern and communist world.

Amintore Fanfani had an extensive and long experience in National Politics, thus it is not possible to talk about it without writing his biogra- phy. In this chapter, we will focus only on those key events concerning the theme mentioned so far. Later on, Fanfani became an advocate of a political opening towards the center-left. During the period that goes from to , Fanfani seems to alternate moments of intense activity with moments of reflection, which can mainly be identified by four phases.

At that time, Fanfani was at the center of international relations and his experience would have been crucial for the outline of CCP. The year was marked by the death of his wife Bianca Rosa Provasoli. Fanfani, who was one of the nominees, lost the election and senator Giovanni Leone wins. After few months of absence from the political scene, Fanfani made an agreement with Aldo Moro at Palazzo Giustianiani residency of the President of the Senate. The DC seemed to go in the direction of an opening towards the left and thanks to the agreement with Moro,52 Fanfani became Secretary of the party.

It was a turbulent time that saw the Secretary at the center of political events. A year after his withdrawal from politics and his return to domestic life, marked by his second marriage to Maria Pia Tavazzini, in , Fanfani was busy campaigning against the divorce law. My election to the Presidency of the Senate is a fortunate event that allows me to devote myself to this activity of reflection and to make its results available to everyone. Nevertheless, it was perhaps this atti- tude, which helped him shape his awareness towards issues and this is how the question rises, that CCP will have to answer.

The circumstances within which Fanfani wrote CCP were not ordinary ones. The book was the result of multiple and variegated experiences, such as his study of social issues, his experience as an international politi- cian and his involvement as a statesman in National affairs. Since Fanfani was an economist and a historian, his conceptual frame- work was of social, scientific and historical nature, as we will now see. Filizzola , p. Capitalism, Collectivity, Participation 59 In CCP Fanfani recovers the content of his book and imme- diately highlights its main idea: According to him, this spirit is a creative principle.

The spirit is the element which creates and shapes society: It is the principle according to which productive costs are decreased, in order to maximize profit. An increase in profit could also be reached through by raising prices. How- ever, this action does not belong to the capitalistic spirit, but rather to the monopolistic spirit, strongly challenged by Adam Smith.

The only way to maximize profit in concordance with the capitalistic spirit, is that of reducing productive costs to save resources. Capitalism has a tendency to cross the limit, the border, the barrier which would restrain it. Consequently, the poor do not receive the charity which allowed them to survive, likewise workers earn a salary for their individual subsistence, but not enough to sustain their families.

The capitalistic spirit is unlimited, because mankind has lost its cre- ational connotation. This concept implied a limit: Hence, the capitalistic spirit repre- sented the fall of the theological and metaphysical idea of creating which interacts with the economic world. The Renaissance man has an unlimited 55 A. The new man ceases to be a Christian, because he becomes a Renaissance capitalist. It is clear that the idea of collectivity has fallen apart after the com- ing of capitalism.

A couple which fights to have the upper hand on humanity. So far, we have discussed the theoretical framework through which Fanfani interprets phenomena in a static way. Indeed, he considers capitalism as the originator of historical mobility. Fanfani not only studies capitalism at the time of its awakening, but also at the time of its crisis or declining phase. The first phase takes into consideration how the capitalistic spirit spreads and gets hold of social life.

In the beginning, this spirit conquers individuals of exceptional character who live beyond Medieval rules, as Leon Battista Alberti, considered to be probably the first Renaissance and anti-medievalist man in history. The capitalistic mentality spreads through culture, the most efficient way of completing its expansion: Firstly, the absolutist state is changed for a parliamentary state.

Finally, it spreads the idea that all confessions are admitted, without having a privileged status on each other. How can one shift from capital- ism to participation? Fanfani portrays the decline of the capitalistic market system in the following way. Modern society is destined to fail, not for political reasons, but for economic ones; for instance, excessive business competition. Paradoxically, this principle leads to ruin. If production costs are excessively reduced, they will decrease unless technological innovation is significantly accelerated salaries, the weakest link of their structure.

Likewise, they will cause a productive reduction, which will lead to a crisis. The only way, to temporarily avoid it, is through individualistic exploitation. In other words, the spirit of excessive compe- tition annihilates collectivity. Therefore, Fanfani envisages par- ticipation as the spirit which restores salaries and the incentive to work. Indeed, introducing the spirit of participation in the system does not im- ply its definitive annihilation. In other words, participation prevents the collapse of capitalism, and leads towards a society free from class struggles. The issue presented by Fanfani not only concerned our Country, but also the West and com- munist Countries throughout the world.

Subsequently, the Mexi- can and Japanese editions followed, respectively in and Indeed, the two editions would have been the blue- print for further editions in those Countries. He wants to overcome collectivism and corporatism in favor of a modern, yet antique, participant economy and society. In , the journal Prospettive nel Mondo, published, in its June issue, an essay by Fanfani titled, Sviluppo del dialogo sulla partecipazione [Development of the Dialogue on Participation].

If in the volume the opposing terms were solidarity and indi- vidualism, in the essay Fanfani focused on the history of the eco- nomic thought, comparing two great economists, like Adam Smith and Karl Marx. Indeed, both economists were perceived as decadent symbols of an almost dead capitalism, the first, and of an alternative communism which never really took off, the second. It is not clear why Fanfani decided to propose again, in the essay, the ideas expressed in the book. Capitalism, Collectivity, Participation 63 have found its balance in the election of Fanfani as President of the Re- public The message was delivered urbi et orbi to the city [Rome] and to the world to solve an urgent and crucial matter.

Fanfani invited the world to get its glorious past back, and those political and economic pearls of wisdom which would have helped solve modern problems. In the book, he gathered his academic knowledge together, his experience as an inter- national politician and as the leading figure of Italian politics. Through historiographic, formal and logical evidence, the volume clearly stated the capitalism crisis, and even worse, the crisis of the system, born to adjust it. The book concluded that the adjustment needed to go along with the revaluation of some aspects of the capitalistic spirit and of the institutions of Medieval origin.

Although the message received a good deal of atten- tion, it did not have the upper hand on the opposing views. The message was buried in the Economic constitution, which represented a noble buri- al, made useless by harsh critics who defined it romantic and utopian. The whole affair confirms that sometimes good ideas are sacrificed to interests and opposing ideas. However, good ideas often come back and are implemented if the circumstances are favorable.

Are You an Author?

A Reading of Economical Doctrines 1. The life of men on earth is like an obstacle race and economic his- tory is its chronicle. This was the main thought which accompanied the work of Amintore Fanfani as a historian. In this chapter I will attempt to prove it. Hence, I did not use the incipit of this chapter as a quotation, but rather as an extreme synthesis of my historical judgment on him. Indeed, his purpose is guided by a careful articulation of the historiographic object investigated. The object is chosen among others, through a theoretical assumption, which is useful to distinguish what is relevant from what is not.

The aim of this chapter is to understand the two assumptions theoreti- cal and historical , which guided Fanfani through the reconstruction of the past. It is not an easy task. Indeed, the competence of a historiographic his- torian would have been more apt to the assignment, rather than the exper- tise of an economic thought historian as myself. As a result, I want to advise the reader that my narration will not be entirely straight and neat.

I will divide my arguments in three main sections. Firstly, I will attempt to identify the theoretical and economic principles followed by Fanfani through his historical narration. Secondly, I will analyze the historiograph- ic schools, which he regarded with suspicion. Thirdly, I will try to show how theoretical and economic assumptions organized his work. Finally, a brief and perhaps uncertain conclusion will end my essay. Veyne also affirmed that the advancement in historical science will be obtained once the historian will focus on a more elaborate theo- retical assumption.

As a result, historical science will acquire introspective ability, which will grow continuously. His ultimate goal is the achievement of the greatest satisfaction of needs. Hence, it can be affirmed that in economy, man is like an athlete who runs his race from resources to the satisfaction of his needs. Hence, the question, foundation of my analysis in this chapter, is: In the period between and , Fanfani, a twenty-six year old student, educates himself to become an historian and disagrees with the spiritual historicism of the Protestants.

Later on, in , he revised his thesis, which he merged into a writing on the spirit of capitalism in Italy. First of all, the authors display different inclinations, respectively towards the Protestant world and the Catholic one. These contrasting inclinations are based on two alternative anthropologies. Fanfani, Le origini dello spirito capitalistico in Italia A Reading of Economical Doctrines 67 On the one hand, Weber considers Calvinism as the originating cause of the capitalistic spirit.

Indeed, the Calvinist acquires capital not to con- sume it, but as the outward proof of his salvation. Wealth is the distinctive mark of those who will be saved the group of the Chosen ones , which needs to be preserved rather than consumed. On the other hand, Fanfani places the homo oeconomicus at the origin of capitalism.

The uncertain economic situation, caused by a change in the intercontinental trading flows, consequential to the discovery of the Americas, caused dif- ficulties to the entrepreneurial activity. Hence, entrepreneurs are unable to pay fair salaries and cannot donate the surplus to the poor. In other words, the Medieval redistribution of wealth collapses.

The discrepancies and the emphasis on the historical narration lead Weber to the glorification of the Calvinist culture and Fanfani to the de- fense of the Medieval catholic culture. Thus, we have a conflict between cultures, as well as different spiritualities. The main reason for this conten- tion was centered on which culture could be credited for having freed the economic West from poverty. As a result, the opposing historical accounts are not based on the truth.

Instead, they originate from the intellectual battle between the authors. In the time span between to , Fanfani lives in Switzerland. The Country epitomizes, for Fanfani, the political exile. However, from an intellectual point of view, the expatriation does not cause him any suffer- ance. The famous trilogy on the history of the economic thought derives 64 On July , Fanfani was recruited by the army again, hence he chose to flee to Switzerland where he stayed at an Italian refugee camp until July 10, In this period he organized several historical and economic courses addressed, especially, to the inmates some of which were included in the didactic programs of the University of Geneva and the University of Lausanne.

According to the first assumption, the law of nature fatally dominates the world; the second postulate enunciates that it is always dam- aging to try to resist such a law. The natural law regulates social phenomena, time and space. Being free from temporal and spatial ties, it is an absolute idea, which can be adapted to any time and space.

Thus, naturalism displays both a quality and a flaw, besides being the way through which economists write history. He continues affirming that history is used as a weapon of defense or attack in this battle. In other words, ac- cording to economists, history becomes an economic tool. For instance, pro- tectionist policies and doctrines are perceived as degenerations of the state of nature; hence they need to be abolished. Further, naturalists measure the extension of privileges within society against the notion of a past as physiocrats do or future as socialists do ideal society.

Both are alterna- tive, yet similar ways of measuring the level of injustice and privileges within the present society. According to Fanfani, naturalism assumes many profiles, for instance the naturalism of evidence and the naturalism of justice. Fanfani, Storia delle dottrine economiche: Il naturalismo ; id.

Fanfani, Storia delle dottrine economiche, ii. Il naturalismo , p. A Reading of Economical Doctrines 69 to identify its imperfections. Then, there is the naturalism of justice which is a paradise envisioned by contemporaries at the end of history. In other words, it is a foreseen paradise, which could be established through differ- ent paths. For instance, there is the revolutionary road, suggested by Marx, and obtained through the exasperation of the poor who, abandoned to themselves, end up revolting against the status quo.

The naturalism of justice has its qualities. Indeed, it was the first move- ment to unravel injustice: For instance, its implementation in the Soviet Union was disappointing, as Fanfani underlined in his paper delivered at the Nouvelles Equipes Internationales Congress in Arezzo, in The Soviet system reacts [by introducing] the Stakhanov myth, the hero that leads to the death of liberty.

Indeed, crossing the line of the West to enter in the socialist state would mean to enter in the Country of forced labor. However, as we mentioned above, the foreseen paradise can also origi- nate by undertaking other paths. The assumption of the voluntaristic authors is that the law of nature does not regulate the world, and it can be 69 Cf. Fanfani agrees with neo-voluntaristic theories.

According to these the- ories, life is an obstacle race between means the resources and economic ends satisfaction of needs. In other words, there are many difficulties, but there is also the will to overcome them. Since voluntarism is limited, it becomes Neo-Voluntarism. Likewise, he wanted to understand better the character of the wonderful simplification in the means of communica- tion. The work especially devoted to the neo-voluntaristic doctrine is A.

Fanfani, Il neovolontarismo economico statunitense Interpretazione neo-volontaristica della vita economica ; Mo- rale, politica ed economia secondo la dottrina neo-volontaristica ; Neovolontarismo economico e storiografia economica ; Ancora a proposito di neo-volontarismo economico e storiografia economica Hence, economic historiography is the reconstruction of these ac- tions. Fanfani, Introduzione allo studio della storia economica second ed. In conclusion, this more intense productive activity could only be propelled by the third industrial revolution. This economic system could not be either an absolute capital- ism, nor true socialism.

According to Fanfani, the economic system to be adopted is the system of participation, which allows workers to be involved in the business management. Hence, he introduces the participation reform Art.

theranchhands.com: A. Ferracuti: Books, Biography, Blogs, Audiobooks, Kindle

To conclude, we shall gather what has been illustrated so far. More- over, he rejects both heavenly explanations and worldly ones. He also tried to introduce the idea of a hypothetical and fulfilled Christian society it was Jaques Maritain who talked of economic Christianity as an ideal which Christians could never abandon , through the use of theoretical and economic materials, derived from orthodox econo- my and traditional science. However, the theory that directed his historical thought was neither catholic, nor corporate; it was the traditional theory, taught to him by Jacopo Mazzei.

Hence, the reader should be patient in following not so straight trajectories. However, it is comforting to know that my discourse will be addressed to readers, who are especially competent on this topic. The following presentation will be a sequence of five scenes. In the following scenario, we will observe how Fanfani, a convinced admirer of corporatism, criticizes Italian marginalists e.

Pan- taleoni and his followers. In the third scene, Fanfani will progressively detach from Fascist corporatism. Next, we will follow him in his exile in Switzerland from September 17, , to July 10, , where he had the chance to organize his works on the field of economic doctrines.

Finally, I will summarize some arguments to conclude the chapter. Fanfani, Economia ; 2nd ed. The economist has a specific purpose: This aim has to be reached by using the smallest amount of resources, indeed they are limited and cannot be wasted. What are eco- nomic doctrines? What is their use? Economic doctrines are special at- tempts—repeated in time—to solve the main economic problem: Will it be possible to find a definitive solution to this problem?

Or will the efforts of the economic doctrines come to an end? In this new setting, where everything will be available for free and in abundance, there will be no economic doctrines, because the economic problem which legitimated their existence will be solved. Hence, it seems that there is no place for economists in Paradise, and even less for the historians of the economic thought. How does the history of economic doctrines appear? According to Fanfani, the history of economic doctrines is the abolition, through a sort of Darwinian selection, of these ineffective solving schemes.

How- ever, the economist will be able to formulate new and more efficient doc- trinaire interpretations from the ashes of the old ones. Once developed, the new doctrines will be implemented by society to prove their efficiency and their value in solving the economic problem. Society will then express its judgment: In the worst case, society will reject them with political anger. On the one hand, if we look at the doctrinaire selection, we can identify movements of elimination and rebirth: On the other hand, if we only focus on the theories, we can witness a mechanism of theoretical improvement, which ever more sharpens the absolute knowl- edge.

Hence, it can be said that we are in front of a complex historical movement, which appears to be homogeneous, but can be divided in two parts from a conceptual point of view: Are they moral judgments or do they have a different nature? Does his judgment refer to the single economist or does it extend to the economic and cultural institutions within which the economist lives? Do they have the purpose of training neophytes or to communicate with knowledgeable colleagues?

And still, are they judg- ments of balance between doctrines i. It might seem unusual that a fervent catholic like Fanfani, author of a manual on moral life,81 renounces to distinguish 81 Id. However, his judgments are not of a moral nature. The first scenario concerns the two opposite economic schools at the begin- ning of the Twentieth Century in Italy.

On the one hand, there are the Neo-Smithians, or Marginalists chiefly Pareto who want an economy free from constraints and despise the start-of-the-century governmental poli- tics, which they consider to be too unbalanced and socially oriented. On the other hand, there are the nationalists who consider political economy as one of the most effective tools in bringing prestige to the nation. Among the Neo-Smithians, there is Maffeo Pantaleoni who criticizes 82 Even the often recalled distinction among voluntaristc, naturalistic and neo- voluntaristic doctrines relies on a moral criterion, but rather it relies on the nature of the assumptions of each doctrine.

Finally, Alfredo Rocco distinguishes the goals of the individual from those of the nation and judges individualist capitalism to go against the interests of the nation. Fanfani and Corporatism The next scenario witnesses the rise of corporatism, the economic doctrine elaborated by Fascism. The Charter of Labor is promulgated in In , twenty-two corporations are created and five years later the Chamber of Corporations is born At the time, Fanfani conforms his way of thinking to the cultural atmosphere.

First of all, he does not judge the end of capitalism and the rise of corporatism as a disastrous event. Fanfani criticizes the Neo-Smithian Mafffeo Pantaleoni, because of the breakdowns he produced in the history of economic thought: The true history of the economic thought is the synchrony of two con- trasting movements: Then, Fanfani attacks the neo-classical and neo-Smithian doctrine and its naturalistic assumptions. Following the implementation of corporatism, Fanfani perceives the new doctrine as more efficient than naturalist capitalism.

Indeed, if the lat- ter was unable to achieve the goal of distributive justice, the former could finally heal the deplorable and greedy drive of collecting profit, which perverted capitalism. Fanfani, A proposito di storia delle dottrine economiche , p. As a consequence, in cor- porate economy the distribution problems are the goal and an excellent distribution is the condition [to achieve] excellent production.

Towards the Dusk of Fascism Fascism was a firmly established regime by During the first de- cade of its life, it developed as a climbing plant. Fascism wanted to incor- porate the Catholic Action through its institutions, as it had already done with the neo-Smithian culture. The reaction of the Church is that of not being absorbed. The contribution of the French economist in the first years of the Eighteenth Century, emerged when mercantilism, until then a refer- ence point doctrine, started to show its inadequacy. As a result, the inap- pellable law of the creative burning started threatening its survival.

The first cause is certainly political: However, the detachment was also generated by a methodological cause: His distance from Fascist corporatism went along with the recovery of those authors belonging to the Catholic tradition and of the social teach- ings of the Church. Indeed, he puts the contraposition between capitalism and corporatism aside and accepts the one between naturalism and voluntarism. The former is destined to sink along with Fascism, which is almost near to its end; the latter will be saved and will preserve its scientific credit.

Indeed, during this period Fanfani is committed to collect and complete all his unfinished works; further he develops and re-edits his entire history of economic doctrines, which he shows to the students at the Italian refugee camp. The volume, which will collect his synthesis is strangely called Economia [Economy]. It even seems that Fanfani prefers the utopian socialists and Sismondi to them, since the for- mer had at least been able to get rid of outdated theories, like Marx did. From Studies to Politics Finally we are in the last scenario where we can witness the integration of the history of the economic thought within two different contexts.

The former is an institutional context: Through the election of Fanfani at the Constitutional Assembly, the Christian and social neo-voluntarism influences our Constitution, at least as far as its economic part is concerned. Once he goes back to Italy, all these works will be revised and published by Italian editors. Fanfani, Economia second ed.

Epilogue What has been said so far shows how the outline suggested by Fanfani was able to win recognitions, indeed it represents a fulfilled system charac- terized by a complex enunciation. In other words, the economist fu- els the engine of economic knowledge, by burning the strained doctrines and creating new ones in its firebox.

As a result, the train powered in this way, proceeds its journey reducing the distance to the final station. Hence it is the incompleteness of practically dead doctrines, which moves the machine; while it is the resistance of the out-of-date doctrines and of the mentality associated with them , which obstructs the developing motion. Then, there is a specific episode when Fanfani reflected on his activity as a historian of the economic thought.

Fanfani, Ricordo di Alberto Bertolino , p. The final doctrine able to satisfy the economic need, is the union be- tween productive freedom and distributive justice. Economic doctrines are not only cognitive tools, but since they are dialectically linked to the practical world, they accompany mankind in recovering the lost abun- dance and the free availability of goods. Thus, our conclusion is that not every sound historiographic framework succeeds as deserved. Our profession does not seem to prize those histori- ans adequately who have often crossed in their curriculum, as Fanfani did, the border of that imaginary monastery conceived by Gino Arias.

However, this cannot be the reason to impute him at the court of the economic thought. This uneasiness, forces us, at least partly, to an unnatural apnea, which we suffered because of the promised compensation that is a greater intelligibility of the eco- nomic theory, obtained once we resurface. Secondly, we will find out what kind of spirituality pre-analitic view di- rected La Pira and Fanfani in their theorization. Thirdly, we will focus on how they conceived this view and in what it actually consisted.

Finally, was that fitting analysis suitable to face the theoretical and socio-political problems of Postwar Italy? From a theoretical point of view, in order to understand why an eco- nomic system does not work, it is necessary to make a diagnosis. Hence, both schools lead mankind Carnemolla , p. By contrast, the eco- nomic system chosen by Fanfani considers the human being as a two dimensional entity, both horizontal or immanent and vertical or tran- scendental. According to the technical and economic diagnosis, Fanfani discovers a hidden drive at the heart of capitalism: This is the principle of the lowest cost, a valuable principle, typical of capitalism.

Once Fanfani identified the essence of this system, he questioned where it could lead. Could it lead to a cost-salary decrease or to the reduction of the total cost through the use of technological innovation? In other words, does this dynamic lead to a right or a wrong path?

At this juncture Preti veers toward a to be a nonchalance in dipping into the historical bin to draw out critique of capitalism and the void it can create in the ordinary citizen, statements suitable to make a point without concern for contextual followed immediately by the claim that the pursuit of happiness and coherence or some form of methodological consistency.

What is perhaps in order, now that working class and of the people the possibility to master the we have a clearer historical distance from the World War II years, is indispensible theoretical notions required not only to understand a serious rethinking of what at the time were inquiries into the human the reasons of all we say and do, but to apply in all fields with condition tout court.

Whereas political discussions had a place in spirit of initiative the politics that best answers the interests of terms of immediate considerations, as philosophers our authors were their class, of the people and of the country… [and] break every trying to gauge a dimension which is all-pervasive, beneath or above attack to the reborn and promising Italian socialist and communist owing to its trans-disciplinary nature more localized and pragmatic movements.

That a philosopher speaks of the meaning of existence and the value of what a human being is or might be years before Hiroshima The call was to a concerted action in the midst of uncertainty, fear, and and Auschwitz means that perhaps, much like some poets, they had general chaos, but the need of theory and method remains. The one perceived that the great bourgeois project was running aground from huge difference, again, considering the situation at hand, the specific an involution of its inner inconsistencies. It has often been remarked context, is that method had become praxis, concrete application, that World War II was the end result of nationalisms exacerbated translation of ideas into immediate facts.

This would be a hallmark beyond their original formulations and reasons for being. Della Volpe,47 more courageously given there was a war going on, held Not just Della Volpe, but Paci in particular attempts to find a common that existentialism is ultimately rooted in romanticism and represents terrain in the postwar years. Nevertheless, we It is understandable why the culture in general, both in Italy and the should not forget that socio-historically existentialism surfaced after rest of Europe, was not ready yet to renounce the entire Enlightenment the other World War, compelling so many to look at the very ontology project, and thus radically question Rousseau, Kant, and Marx as they of the human condition: Despite theatre, the plastic arts, and of course in philosophy.

This the chaos, destruction, and resentment felt in Northern Italy during can be achieved by shifting the focus to the specificity of methods the occupation48 makes it understandable why Palmiro Togliatti, in required to deal with particular aspects of research, with what I call the launching La Rinascita,49 in June of , expresses himself in these regional ontologies of specific forms of knowledge.

A theory of reason, he concludes, can only offer a Forni edition, indicated by the abbreviation SF, followed by volume year, and issue criterion of rigor for evaluation and judgment, but it must be flexible number, and page s where appropriate. All translations are my own except where otherwise indicated.

All translations in the text are mine. The role of the Rivista struggles to understand its ontic reality. Finally, it will no longer be di Filosofia, directed by Norberto Bobbio when it restarted publication in , will possible to do any philosophy, any critique of society, without paying be examined in the continuation of the present article. According to Zbigniew Brzezinski , the estimate of people killed as a direct and indirect consequence of World War II is over 50,, Michele Abbate ff.

Peter Carravetta, The Elusive Hermes. Introduction by Eugenio Garin. The journal, which ran to Vol. Though it was not used in a religious sense mento speculativo]. He earned a second laurea in neoidealists. Socrate xiii , from which most of this biographical note is derived, that he studied 21 This long essay was published in two parts in La Cultura, Vol XI, , fasc. IV, history of philosophy with Giuseppe Zuccante, who published in those very years a ottobre-dicembre, pp. It is also reprinted in Opere 5: Important moments in this biographical sketch are his meeting and Dino Formaggio.

In the twenties and thirties proprio nella ribellione al pensiero? At the end of he reached out to the Communist party, participated bibliography on this topic is vast. For an as the years went on his philosophical production dimished precisely in view of social English translation, see Pareyson Existence, Interpretation, Freedom Sartre Being and Nothingness Part Three. It was Sartre who had addressed Republished in Opere 1: For the first major retrospective on his thought, this relation that the individual can build a concrete rapport with others, whether in see the Atti del Convegno Antonio Banfi e il pensiero contemporaneo Battaglia and terms of language, love, desire, hate, indifference, etc.

For an English while he was writing his Socrates. For a critical Ernest Grassi, Vom Vorrang des Logos, Compare his theoretical description of the person The article was removed in the first issue of Three chapters from this masterwork are available in English in Pareyson, Selected Writings This For the concrete problems on the ground, as it were, see Silvio Lanaro His Dizionario di inhuman, can win only bloody and sterile battles; they can no longer win wars].

Flora Filosofia is an unquestioned classic in the genre. Rivista trimestrale di filosofia contemporanea. Though writers were more vocal in their condemnation of Fascism, 4 vols. Though the limits of Modern Battaglia, F. Atti del Convegno Antonio Thought had been announced earlier, it is World War Two that signals the beginning Banfi e il pensiero contemporaneo.

La Nuova Italia, La filosofia del decadentismo. Turmoil on the Eve of the Davies Group Publishing, Il nuovo idealismo inglese e americano. I fondamenti teoretici della filosofia secondo Le sorgenti irrazionali del pensiero. La filosofia di Benedetto Croce e la crisi della Historical Materialism and the Economics of Karl Marx. Luciano Landi editore, Esegesi e letture kantiane. La filosofia e la vita spirituale. Introduction to Georg Simmel. Istituto Librario Italiano, Istituto Antonio Banfi, Principi di una teoria della ragione. Fine dei popoli guerrieri. La riforma della dialettica hegeliana.

Existentialism is a Humanism. Yale University Press, Principato, Vom Vorrang des Logos. University of Minnesota Press, La ragione in A. Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni. A cura di F. Davies Group Publishers, Salvatorelli, Luigi and Giovanni Mira. Mondadori, and Esistenzialismo e filosofia italiana. Dopo la destituzione di Mussolini ad opera dell'intesa tra i gerarchi e Vittorio Emanuele III e la fine del fascismo, l'arte italiana visse un periodo di incertezza e di profondi cambiamenti, diversamente da quanto era accaduto all'ombra delle istituzioni di regime.

Queste avevano infatti operato, soprattutto nel corso degli anni Trenta, un certo controllo nei confronti della creazione artistica, riuscendo ad imporre una linea di condotta generale anche nel campo culturale, evidentissima per quel che concerne i mezzi di comunicazione quali radio e cinema. In due decenni vennero promossi progetti monumentali, la maggior parte a carattere simbolico e scenografico. Una possibile scritti autobiografici. La di battaglia attraverso medium artistici non comuni. Gli anni progetti pittorici, scultorei e architettonici avviati per propagandare della guerra non fecero che approfondire la loro disillusione verso il il messaggio fascista in Italia e all'estero.

Nel segni inequivocabili di un passato divenuto scomodo. Ogni luogo a funzione pubblica, fosse sede di partito, piazza, Quaranta. Dal punto di vista della storia della scultura una portata storica ingombrante. In particolare delle masse fu la casa del Fascio: Il salone d'onore veniva concepito per accogliere partigiane il fantasma del fascismo. Gli apparati decorativi e monumentali erano concentrati in questo locale, dove la scultura faceva da padrona: Il discorso sulla Fig.

Per e protrattisi per diversi anni a danno delle Case del Fascio; i la sua realizzazione era stato chiamato un artista affermato a livello busti in marmo o pietra vennero distrutti o danneggiati soprattutto accademico ed internazionale, capace di fissare nel bronzo il momento attraverso la defenestrazione. Per quel che concerne le opere in bronzo, preciso in cui Mussolini, entrato trionfalmente nell'impianto sportivo, gli antifascisti ne cancellarono ogni traccia grazie all'ausilio di armi da si accingeva a pronunciare il discorso celebrativo di apertura.

La sua riportarono danni evidenti circoscritti alla zona del volto, di cui i soli collocazione, il gesto del cavaliere e le circostanze della commissione tratti somatici vennero modificati o cancellati. Il marmo fu oggetto di diversi atti di a che fare, a prima vista, con il regime. Come nel caso di Adolfo Wildt gli atti offensivi nel , alla presenza del presidente della Confederazione nazionale nei confronti dell'opera di Dazzi determinarono il giudizio critico professionisti e artisti, Emilio Bodrero. I richiami al fascismo erano successivo sullo stesso autore.

La sorte toccata agli artisti collaborazionisti nel dall'architetto Alziro Bergonzo Fig. La scultura era sorta fu diversa da caso a caso: Ciononostante, corso del Ventennio l'esigenza di farsi portavoci di valori espressivi gli epuratori non riservarono loro alcun trattamento di favore e inediti, aperti al razionalismo e alla pulizia. Appare dunque necessario procedere con cautela orrori del nazi-fascisti. Il bronzo presentato dall'udinese Mirko rifugiarsi nella sfera del lutto e della sua elaborazione.

Resistenza partigiana ad opporsi all'invasore. Per la nuova tipologia del memoriale ai martiri Nazionale rappresentarono un termine di confronto imprescindibile della guerra partigiana, l'artista scelse di ricorrere ad una tipologia per l'arte all'indomani della caduta del regime.

Fin dalla sua nascita, iconografica da tempo istituzionalizzata, quella della rappresentazione il partito aveva infatti richiamato tra le sue fila numerosi artisti che dell'estremo sacrificio del caduto; a questa venne aggiunta un'ulteriore si fecero portavoci degli ideali antifascisti. Lo studio delle opere scultoree limitato al periodo appare in questa sede prioritario e rappresenta un capitolo essenziale al fine di completare l'analisi della scultura italiana e delle sue contraddizioni all'indomani del periodo fascista e della fine della guerra.

I monumenti alla Resistenza eretti subito dopo il 25 aprile furono davvero pochi ma la loro ricognizione risulta di fondamentale interesse, visto che la loro costruzione coinvolse buona parte degli scultori attivi nel corso del Ventennio e negli anni del conflitto. Si tratta di una commissione del maggio partigiana. In una prima versione in terracotta del bozzetto, il regime. Per la fasciste appena demolite. Tra costoro Luciano Minguzzi, a cui venne commissionata la realizzazione del Monumento al Partigiano e alla Partigiana, in memoria della battaglia antinazista di Porta Lame, combattuta nel novembre del L'opera venne volutamente realizzata con il bronzo ricavato dalla fusione del frammento della statua equestre Fig.

Il termine stesso di ri-nascita presuppone del regime si erano dimostrati, in un primo momento, animati da una una fase di rinnovamento totale maturato, nel caso italiano, dopo furia cieca e distruttrice, durante il secondo governo De Gasperi, la fine di un periodo breve ma drammatico. In precedenza varie figure femminili erano comparse produzione littoria fu necessaria a smuovere le coscienze degli artisti: Gli scultori del dopoguerra. Fu un appello che non rimase senza risposta: Per una visione esaustiva della liturgia fascista si veda Belli Fu solo a partire dal giugno del che venne istituito il divieto di esercitare una professione senza detenere la tessera del PNF.

Durante il periodo fascista i principali eventi espositivi furono la Biennale di Venezia, NOTE a carattere internazionale, e la Quadriennale romana, ideata per presentare la produzi- 1 one italiana di quegli anni. Le edizioni fasciste della Biennale e la riorganizzazione Per una visione generale del periodo storico si consideri Parlato, Fascisti senza Mus- delle istituzioni culturali italiane sono state studiate da Spadini e De Sabbata solini.

Accanto a questi appuntamenti artistici di spicco se ne contano degli altri, fascista attraverso i quali le istituzioni statali si relazionavano con le arti figurative. Sulla riforma operata dal regime negli organi di cultura si veda il consulti il volume di De Micheli e si riferisca a Gualdoni. De Sessa timare il proprio potere personale: Su Martini si veda Martini, Gian i fasci littori.

Durante tali eventi teofanici, gli edifici, i complessi decorativi e celebra- Ferrari, e Comisso Riguardo alla simbologia del Venten- e la monografia della Colombo. Gli scultori del Ventennio avevano Ferrari, e Comisso La testa del bronzo divelta dal monumento equestre bolognese venne 8 Sulle opere antifasciste di Mazzacurati si consideri il catalogo della mostra allestita salvata dalle mani dei tedeschi, nel gennaio del , e sotterrata nel giardino di a Reggio Emilia nel Di certo sentava ferita e menomata, priva di un braccio e della gamba sinistra: Ciononostante, risulta possibile di riqualificazione di Piazza Vittoria; il restauro della statua e la successiva rivaluta- ritrovare alcuni elementi comuni che ci aiutano a delineare con maggiore chiarezza zione quale testimonianza di un momento della storia italiana non hanno incontrato i bersagli privilegiati di questa moderna iconoclastia.

Popolo a Como, il cui il progetto e realizzazione vennero affidati a Giuseppe Terragni 17 Longatti ; Poretti. Si considerino anche i lavori della Misler, di Gualdoni 23, capo di stato, nel Nella medesima occasione, Graziosi aveva realizzato anche nota 18 , e della Sega Storia di Bergamo e dei bergamaschi.

Urbanistica, architettura, arte alla causa politica contemporanea, come il Monumento al prigioniero politico ignoto del e Uomini del Lager del Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Print 27 Si veda Alessandrone Perona, et al. Arte in Italia Vita e pensiero, riconobbe nel il 25 aprile come festa nazionale. Leone Lodi scultore Funerali di 4a classe.

Due basamenti senza neppure un De Grada, Raffaele. Mostra di Marino Mazzacurati Luoghi della memoria, memoria dei luoghi nelle regioni alpine oc- Print. Tra diplomazia e arte: Edizioni Medi- Marinetti, Filippo Tommaso. Museo storico in Trento, Martini, Arturo e Mario De Micheli. La scultura lingua morta. Mi- Di Marzio, Mimmo. Muri ai pit- A cura di Giulio Einaudi. Pittura murale e decorazione in Italia Catalogo della Falasca Zamponi, Simonetta. Lo spettacolo del Fascismo. Soveria mostra [Vicenza, Basilica Palladiana 06 giugno — 26 settembre Mannelli: Ado Furlan Misler, Nicoletta.

La via italiana al realismo. La politica culturale nella scultura italiana del Novecento, atti del convegno di studio, artistica del PCI dal al Onofri, Nazario Sauro e Vera Ottani. Dal Littoriale allo stadio: Il culto del littorio: Neri Pozza, Oppo, Cipriano Efisio. Trilussa, il mio segre- Le origini del neofascis- Print. Istituto Poligraf- cio di Terragni. Pittura murale e decorazione ico dello Stato, Adolfo Wildt e i suoi allievi: Fontana, Melotti, Tulliola Sparagni. Broggini e gli altri. Da Boccioni a Sironi: Arte e ar- Skira, La Casa del fascio di Como.

Catalogo ragionato delle sculture. Bologna e il suo stadio.

Spadini, Pasqualina e Antonio Maraini. Utopia e scenario del regime. Urbanistica, architettura, arte e decorazione. Archivio Cen- trale dello Stato, Storia della cultura fascista. Lo stesso discutere un uomo e da cittadino. No, ma per quella legge veri feticci di quella restaurazione culturale italiana detta Riflusso. Ritorniamo ancora una volta a Sciascia, alle frasi lapidarie che chiudono un suo breve ritratto di Savinio: La figura chiave di questo civismo, che E nel , ancora: Il dilettante Stampa e poi incluso in Tutta la vita nel Savinio di gran lunga meno civico o, per meglio dire, restituito alla dalla collina dalla quale godeva lo spettacolo del paesaggio urbano separazione solipsistica tra individuo e collettivo.

Due caratteri dei testi di Savinio invalidano questo dalle religioni. Ascolto ne uscirebbe almeno triplicato: Se conquistano per effetto di luce. Sugli altri continenti no. Come avverte Savinio con una In questo modo la narrazione risorgimentale di un autore similitudine teatrale: Il segno-Europa di mondo: Le premesse nei suoi fondamenti mitologici greci: In questo senso Come i grandi umanisti europei anche utopie, il genere di scrittura che si gioca tutto nello scarto variabile Savinio deve porsi il problema della summa.

Enciclopedia impossibile portatile, maneggevole delle utopie: Mettiamo le cose in chiaro: Nel momento storico come possiamo constatare in un equivalente testuale di questa Europa in cui il presente preme con maggior violenza sulla pagina e sui suoi enciclopedica: In una lettera del 30 aprile non-realista. La letteratura del O meglio, uno dei suoi avverbi o modi: Nella lettera che nel scrisse per difendere Malaparte intenzioni soggiacenti. A cura di Marco Debenedetti. The Idea of Europe. Letteratura europea e Medio Evo latino. Lettere con Mercurio Candela. Scritti di critica e di istituzioni Bellini, Davide.

Dalla tragedia alla biblioteca. Le poetiche e la letterarie. The Myth of Nation in the Twentieth Suzanne Dingee and Jennifer Pudney. Grewe, Andrea, a cura di. Erich Schmidt, Benda, Julien. Il Manifesto corrispondenza Parisot-Savinio Per un profilo di Firenze: Ponte delle Camon, Ferdinando, Il mestiere di poeta.

Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, A cura di Fernando Gioviale. Le molte facce di un artista di genio. A cura di Rosanna Bettarini e Milano: Dove va la cultura europea? A cura di G. Duke University Nietzsche, Friedrich. Mauro Maggiorani e Paolo Ferrari. Parisot, Henri, e Alberto Savinio. La Tordi Castria, Rosita. A cura di Giuditta Cinque studi: Savinio, Italo Calvino, Giacomo Debenedetti. Alcesti di Samuele e atti unici. A cura di Alessandro Tinterri. A cura di Alessandro Tinterri e Paola Italia. Hermaphrodito e altri romanzi.

Narrate, uomini, la vostra storia. Archivio Contemporaneo Alessandro Bonsanti. Arte e storia moderna. A cura di Paola Italia. A cura di Leonardo Sciascia. Studi su Alberto Savinio. A cura di Dante Isella. Princeton University Press, Testimonianze e documenti Mio carissimo, tu mi conosci bene; puoi quindi immaginare la mia gioia: Io sono a terra!!!

Proprio ieri ero a Roma ho fatto istanza a Tosti al Ministero per un sussidio pronto immediato e adeguato!! Ma vedi di chiamarmi alla tua segreteria! Ti abbraccio tuo aff. Salvatore Maraffa Abate was a journalist, a poet, an entrepreneur, a publicist and sometime publisher. He deliberate moves aimed at professional and personal survival, or were moved from his native Palermo to Messina, Genova, Milan, Rome, they also the result of a true intellectual and political metamorphosis? But, as we know, history has not been generous Paul Corner and other contemporary scholars have already underlined with minor figures and Maraffa is not an exception.

His profits from his understated new post-war life. And yet, In December , Maraffa issued his first notable magazine, Flirt. Flirt was the ideal mirror of the Sicilian osservare che… egli dimenticava gli indifferenti e i disillusi. Similarly, in her recent I redenti. Gli intellettuali che vissero due Flirt was not a political publication. It contained poetry, volte.

La rivisitazione delle vicende degli uomini che vissero una to women writers10 and its dynamic Direttore, Maraffa Abate, often duplice esistenza provoca accesi dibattiti. Moreover, we should not forget that it could not ignore the power of the new bourgeoisie. Salvo, in particular, notes: Openly obsequious to the fascist regime, as its name suggests, Italia But times were changing and soon the economic power of the fascista tried hard a little too hard, at times to balance itself between Florios in Sicily would come to an end.

Around , Maraffa left a servile and an extremely patriotic attitude towards the autarchic Palermo and headed north, to Genoa and Milan and, eventually, to Rome. From time to sort of periodical, a clever mix of cosmopolitism, patriotism, and time, Italia fascista presented its readers with more artistic content, politics. Futurism and its main features modernity, weighted down by an abundance of percentages and other figures, a energy, innovation and, later, fascism seduced the restless Maraffa telling sign of a too obvious deferential attitude towards the regime.

If and contributed to his radical transformation into a militant journalist. It also meant leaving his trademark notion of a literary particular region or city of the empire where fascist enterprises were and cultural magazine. The years immediately following World War I particularly successful. One of his periodicals, started turning its gaze inwards. By the early s, in the last desperate moments of activities around the world. With had already appeared in print, as a pamphlet, the previous fall, but the regards to his choice of pseudonym, Flirt readers would remember founder of Futurism allowed Maraffa to publish it as well, an important that Maraffa had been using this pen name for decades.

Unfortunately gift for a struggling publication like Italia fascista. On 21 July , Maraffa celebratory. Incidentally, this initiative aroused offense in the foreword of one of his collections of poetry, Chiarezze: Ma questi giornalisti sono davvero inesauribili nello aspirare e Comm. Why would the Ente Stampa and the Ministry not use his commitment for its own purposes?

Since the fascist press was In , Maraffa was already a Mussolini supporter and more heavily controlled beginning in year of the foundation of the than once defined himself a Sansepolcrista. It was not the case. On the contrary, the Min. Overall, between and , Maraffa received A poet since the Flirt years, Maraffa wrote a number of openly philo- more than fifty thousand Lire Ministero della Cultura Popolare n.

Among them, Aquile di Roma and La pelle del He was not alone: For instance, Antonio Favales, the proof of this as early as 6 September Not a young age, especially for richieste e quindi su lettere di ringraziamenti di prammatica in someone plagued by professional and personal troubles.

His personal base alle quali poi carpisce adesioni e ottiene entrature arrivando situation was almost as chaotic as his professional one: Polizia Politica, Report on Maraffa, Savagnone. They had two daughters, bound to become well-known 6 September doppiatrici: Rita and Deddi Savagnone. As del Maraffa che se ne serve per ricevere contributi finanziari; Philip Morgan noted: It was during this period that many Italian 12 September , the Germans had freed Mussolini and had put intellectuals who were active under the regime started on the thorny him at the head of the short-lived new republic.

Like Maraffa, people path that would take them through the end of the war and beyond. Like who had been professional and financial profiteers during the previous Maraffa, many successful figures quietly sailed through this delicate regime must have taken it as a sign that the old ways could resume. The publishing press was not immune to this memory loss: Maraffa depicts himself not like an exploiter of fascist politics and Proveniente dai Fasci Rivoluzionari Interventisti di Milano. It would — Milano P. Curriculum Vitae his letter to Mezzasoma, and the move to Venice meant that his archive was lost.

It is hard to say whether Maraffa had actually been at risk. In the post-war years, this proud fascist biography is excised, leaving Some philo-fascist intellectuals were imprisoned and tried. Among an embarrassing twenty-year gap: Fogu offers an explanation: He followed many others on the prescrizione. A small price to pay, all things considered. On the contrary, it resumed vigorously, ardua purezza lirica, non abbiano accanto alle poesie, manifestato propelled by a new-found energy: The period immediately after liberation in saw a mushrooming Per trovare poeti che si dichiarano indifferenti alla vita politica, of small publishing houses, some of which survived for only a … bisogna giungere ai minori poeti del romanticismo e del few months, and an increase in book production, despite residual decadentismo.

Ma, appunto, si tratta di poeti minori: At the same time some existing publishers sought che, di fatto, non erano ancora divenuti uomini. XIV—XV to take advantage both of the market opportunities and of the chance for cultural renewal opened up by the liberation. Gundle In the past several years, historians and literary critics tackled and Forgacs the question of Italian intellectuals and their relationship with fascism, but a lot of work still needs to be done on the so-called minor or marginal However, in spite of his efforts, Maraffa did not manage to figures and their participation in the fascist propaganda machine.

This is a sign that, while not openly ENDNOTES promoting it, the ministry did benefit from these apparently irrelevant characters and from their unauthorized propaganda. Italiana per i suoi meriti di giornalista. Later, in Rome, In the early s, Sebastiano Munzone published an he published his own works under the Italia Fascista Editrice label. See Cristina anthology of Sicilian poets. Soltanto per la insistenza di alcuni editori ha raccolto Viator dolente la sua opera poetica riunita in tre volumi: Ombre, silenzi, armonie con illustrazioni nuovo Israele errante sempre inquieto di Servolini poesie ; Riflessi, Chiarezze poesie.

Corselli dal titolo I nostri Capi. Mangano sent the Duce her article together with a request for a meeting. However, before this little setback, Mangano, like Maraffa, passatista. Ma non vorrai tu office, she was hired at the Ente Stampa: She followed up the in altri giornali e in altri centri: Ti ha good news with a thank you note: Ti prego di agire fulmineamente Cesare. Ti abbraccio con grande affetto, Tuo aff. The letter is written on Italia fascista reviews in this particular issue. But there are some short reviews of operas and films stationery.

Vogliate Esperia, contiene la Poesia dei tecnicismi. Proveniente dal Gruppo Nazionalista Giovanile di Genova. Aderente alla storica continued its irregular publication until By then, Maraffa had almost completely adunata 23 Marzo — Milano P. Archivio Centrale dello Stato. Bruno Maraffa in Duke University Press, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, La stampa del Ventennio: Flirt rivista di splendore Bernabei, Gilberto.

• Il costo della vita: Storia di una tragedia operaia (Frontiere Einaudi) (Italian Edition);
• Risk, Uncertainty and Government (Glasshouse).
• Keep Talking: Daily Conversation Starters for the Family Meal!
• The Girl on the Beach.
• The Real Practical Field Guide to Devils and Angels Issue 1 ...a collection of letters, descriptions, tips, hints, and what not.
• Amintore Fanfani Entrepreneur of Politics | Piero Roggi - theranchhands.com.
• Il costo della vita : storia di una tragedia operaia in SearchWorks catalog.

Note to Salvatore Maraffa Abate. Publishers, Writers and Readers. Popolare, Busta , n. Caesar, Gabriella Romani, and Jennifer Burns.

Il foglio 12 November Estudios Italianos, Nov. Mariapia Lamberti, Franca Bizzoni. Archivio Centrale dello Italy. Oxford University Press, Letter to Benedetta Cappa. Filippo Di Dino, Chiara. Letter to Nicola De Cesare, 26 September Fascism in Popular Memory. The Cultural Experience Centrale dello Stato. Cambridge University Corrispondenza Ordinaria]. Maraffa Abate, Salvatore Leodalba. Biblioteca del Vascello, Italia Fascista Editrice, Segreteria Particolare del Duce, quaderni del meridione 87—88 Riviste ottocentesche e storia della critica.

La vita quotidiana a Palermo ai tempi del Gattopardo. Filippo Tommaso Marinetti Milan: Gli intellettuali che vissero due volte. Letter to Fernando Mezzasoma. Ministero della Cultura Popolare. Busta , Serrati, Giacinto Menotti. Archivio Centrale dello Sturzo, Luigi. I mali della politica italiana: La pelle del serpente. Il Primato di Giuseppe Bottai: Italia fascista The fall of Mussolini.

Italy, the Italians and the Second World War. Introduction Scholarly studies have often discussed the huge impact of the film Casablanca WB, , directed by Michael Curtiz and produced by Hal Wallis on American media and popular culture. Many critics have attempted to explain why the film continues to be regarded as one of the most iconic and celebrated Hollywood films of all times.

Italian viewers, on the other hand, will most probably be familiar with these lines in their corresponding Italian translation, given that Casablanca has, since its first distribution in Italy in , received theatrical and television release in its dubbed version. We shall also see that, although not so intuitively, when the film and joined her husband Laszlo, whom she had believed to be dead, was finally ready to be released in early , its edition would be without having the chance to explain to Rick the reasons behind her considerably affected by the legacy of Fascism; this in spite of Italy painful decision.

After a series of political gambles with the French being, at that point, a democracy allied with the US. To illustrate this and German police, Rick i. It was in , in fact, even before Casablanca was produced, escape from the menace of the Nazis in Europe find temporary refuge that Warner Bros abandoned the Italian market as a result of the in unoccupied French Morocco. Let us take a step back to observe what happened to the to wait there until the war ends. Yet there are people in Casablanca distribution of American films in Italy during these critical years.

Will the seemingly cynical and selfish on foreign film distribution. A significant European Resistance, a clandestine movement fighting against the Axis number of foreign films by small US companies such as Monogram, powers. As the story unfolds, a few flashbacks reveal that some years Republic, and Grand National would still circulate in Italian cinemas earlier, in German-occupied Paris, Ilsa and Rick had had a romantic after the withdrawal of the Big Four. Moreover, from the early onwards various laws were enacted.

The political and social unrest in the Italian peninsula caused 4, 5, 9 and both the ban on dubbing foreign films abroad and the by the long years of war, sacrifice, deprivation, foreign occupation, dubbing tax to be paid by film distributors art. Because of their pro-interventionist message against the Axis, least until mid Besides, as far as the Italian case was concerned, at the its establishment in the new Roman headquarters. Whether under the beginning of the monopoly laws promulgated during Fascism suggestion of the PWB film section or not, Warner Bros seems to have still formally stood in protection of the Italian internal market against been waiting for the Italian political and social waters to settle before American products.

Distributors established a Psychological Warfare Branch PWB at the Allied might have also decided to wait for Italian film translators and Headquarters in Rome in the building formerly hosting the Ministry experienced voice-actors to prepare a domesticated dubbed version of Popular Culture MCP. Consiglio dei Ministri for permission to release Casablanca in the Archival research has documented that, on March , the Italian commercial film circuit.

Stone, head of dubbed version was then authorized, obtaining the obligatory nulla the allied military command in Italy, organised a series of important osta on January 10, Importantly for the present discussion, the Admiral insisted regulations on film censorship art. This decree banned film scenes, facts and subjects: Otherwise, if the producers or distributors did not agree with the first decision, they could file an appeal and the same film Offensivi del pudore, della morale, del buon costume e della would be reviewed by a second commission.

If the second commission pubblica decenza; From the authorization, the the end of the war. A passage from the document reads: Il film raggiunge una efficacia [sic] tensione spettacolare, films, e. If authorized, the war setting in other words, far from the more crucial battlegrounds film would be distributed in cinemas. In the case of restrictions or of Western Europe. The war was over, Although no document has been found attesting the exact and the fascist regime had been replaced by a democratic political date when the film was translated and re-voiced into Italian, it is very system.

However, the personnel of the previous administration were probable that the Italian edition of Casablanca had been prepared largely maintained at the film office. Although there is no official evidence formed mainly by the popular dubbing directors and actors of the s. Indeed, if the script had been the Italian film industry, and more specifically in the dubbing or post- presented for approval, and a final script re-submitted after being synchronisation sector.

The name of the person in charge of preparing the by the distributors to limit expense of money and effort i. However, recent archival research has requirements, which, as discussed above, were the same as those of revealed that Carlo Silva was credited as the dialogue writer in the Instead of that petty charge Italians in the war, and 3 the representation of Italian characters in you have on him, you can get the film. The the dialogues in the original version while b. One example in particular is indicative of a moralistic il deserto non occupato.

The government, were substituted with a different geographical indication fact that both the re-edited dubbed version and the subtitles do not that wanted to recall the contemporary Chinese Civil War. In particular, were only two isolated cases in the film, but they served a very specific the references to the Fascist presence in Ethiopia and in the fighting purpose: In , you in the film, whether used to criticize Nazi-Fascist ideology or to fought in Spain on the Loyalist side.

The Fascist captain Tonelli is a background character with 3. Italian characters only few lines of dialogue. The first time the Italian officer appears in the film, he censorship directed at controlling the negative representation of introduces himself with vain pomposity see fig. It is well known that during the s unwelcome representations of Italians in film were denied permits for distribution in Fascist Italy: These two characters have short lines of dialogue and must have not been recognised as Italians by either the dubbing personnel or the film commissioners as they do not have an evident Italian connotation or accent in the film.

Their lines were therefore translated according to those in the original script. In the film there are two other characters whose Italianness Fig. While in the original version captain Tonelli switches from speaking 8 Renault scoffs at Tonelli as the latter and the French officer English to Italian, and gives a pompous Fascist salute to the German pass by arguing indistinctly and gesticulating: The original passage has been re-inserted in the victory.

After this scene, Tonelli is mainly seen fooling around with The second Italian character is the owner of the club The Blue Parrot, Casselle gesticulating and arguing indistinctly anytime they appear on signor Ferrari. Ferrari is renowned in Casablanca for being in charge the scene. The second appearance made by Tonelli see fig. Man in the street: He has a monopoly here on the black market.

Egli ha quasi tutto il monopolio del Mercato Nero qui. Thank you for the coffee segnore. I shall miss it when we leave Casablanca. The seen adulating any women who passes by a Latin Lover stereotype identity shift also respects quantitative synchronism, that is, each were not already undeniable clues of his Italian characterisation, the dubbed utterance has to contain roughly the same number of syllables final mention of the coffee made by Ilsa 11 leaves no doubt about as the original utterance. The rewriting and visual censorship discussed in this section with Ferak was probably suggested by the fact that the character wears are quite significant because they are not a reflection of the historical for most of the film a Moroccan Fez hat see fig.

Because of this, they were prone to perceive the lo staiter [sic] in divisa fascista. Casablanca with a different state of mind because for them Casablanca a vietare la circolazione della pellicola in questione: Borrowing with fictional World War II narratives. Having be modified during the post-production phase. However, this that the American Allies had in the eyes of many Italians.

Instead, case is only one of many examples of film censorship directed at the ideological rewriting and censorship of the recent past in the inhibiting the memory of Fascism and of World War II in Italy in the dubbed film is a clear testimony of how Fascist forces were still at post-war period and beyond. Many by Giuseppe Spataro. Spettacolo e Turismo and placed it under the direction of Franco Libonati. According to the historian, in the US, see Merlock Jackson It was published in the Gazzetta Ufficiale on November earlier in , was now put in charge of the distribution of foreign films in the 3, , No.

At the beginning of , this control passed to Einape [Ente 15 nazionale acquisti importazioni pellicole estere] presided over by Giacomo Dusmet. A complete official list of these releases has not been traced back in SIAE records 6 and other sources because the activity lay in the hands of the PWB. Film archives in the US would probably yield some results and paid by foreign film distributors, from the initial 25, Italian lire per dubbed film of shed light on the issue.

Moreover, an additional charge of 20, was to be paid on 16 each dubbing for any additional , lire earned by these dubbed films in Italian 20th Century Fox was also dubbing its films in Madrid because a group of cinemas this was fixed between the profit range of 2. Italian dubbers was blocked in Spain, according to Quargnolo United Artists films could still circulate until 31 December He indicated 58 17 films released in , 83 in , 34 in , 8 in and 2 in Indeed, See for example a short article published in Films in Anteprima in January other archival sources document that, for instance, Universal films could also which documents that on June American dubbings were still circulating in Italian circulate without impediment.

Compare later in the text. The volume of Marco Polo , US, dir. This work focused on the complex interplay between Wise Guys, and Sopranos. Historical 32 archival research revealed striking continuities of concern and practice at the state-run The case of the Fascist officer could have also been grouped in the previous set of film office during the period A new examination of Casablanca was carried out by the Italian film office and 33 registered on September 28, ref. The distribution company Nettunia until February 5, For an account of how the CDC was born, the particular to Focardi.

Many thanks should go here to Luca Portas, film archivist and conservator Casablanca - Italian film censorship file ref. Edge of Darkness La bandiera sventola ancora - Italian film 27 censorship file ref. The case is discussed in Mereu The Dub No. First of the Few Il primo dei pochi - Italian film censorship file ref. Il cattivo tedesco e il bravo italiano: La rimozione film censorship file ref. Mrs Miniver La signora Miniver - Italian film censorship file ref. Indiana University I trecento della settima - Italian film censorship file ref.

Round Up the Usual Suspects: Dagos, Palookas, Romeos, Narration in the Fiction Film. Benjamins Translation Library, forthcoming. Caldiron, Orio, and Matilde Hochkofler. Casablanca and Di Cola, Gerardo. Le voci del tempo perduto: Storie in movimento, 23 Storia economico-politica del cinema italiano Eco, Umberto. Cult Movies and Intertextual Collage. University of Wisconsin Press. La Cineteca del Friuli, An Aesthetic of the films of the Forties that does not belong among the masterpieces Approach.

University of Toronto Press, Piscitello becomes a card-carrying Fascist with the approval of his wife, Rosina Ave Ninchi , and his daughter Delia Scala , and despite the indifference of his anti-Fascist friends. His son, Giovanni Massimo Girotti , is a royal army soldier who takes part in all the wars declared by Mussolini in Ethiopia, Spain, Africa, and Russia. During one of his furloughs, he becomes engaged to Maria Milly Vitale , the granddaughter of the town pharmacist Aldo Silvani , and marries her. When the Allies land in Sicily and the armistice is proclaimed, Piscitello loses first his son Giovanni, who is murdered by two retreating Germans, and then his job.

In this story, the end of the Regime and of the war do not coincide with a renewal of the political class: Even such a brief summary reveals why Anni difficili has aroused strong opposition on all sides of the political spectrum. The portrayal of Italians that the film conveys does not spare anyone and was quite new in the history of Italian national cinema. Briguglio Film, promoted its restoration.

However, it was openly defended by Giulio Andreotti, the undersecretary to the president of 2. The comical and grotesque approach mitigates a specific historical context, freely adapting the plot from a literary the bitterness and skepticism of its message. Probably for this reason source to talk openly about Italy and its middle class during and Andreotti not only gave a nihil obstat to the film but defended it after Fascism.

However, three other reasons should be considered. Zampa uses a quick and easy cinematic as in Bicycle Thieves , than with the political opportunism language that connects immediately with the spectator. It would be depicted in Anni difficili. Zampa inserted archival footage in his film, and dialogue but also from the composition of the frame and the play but not to create the mimesis of reality. As we see in the sequence between actors In contrast to the war Attention is as a bookish exaltation conveyed by literary myths. The third time Piscitello looks at himself is in a real mirror As suggested by Luca Baranelli 11 the debate was especially strong while he is wearing the Blackshirt uniform, and he throws his hat at within the Communist Party because at that time it was easier to his own reflection.

His anger stems from the fact that the pharmacist discuss the public controversy surrounding a still-contentious topic has been arrested by the same forces Piscitello represents with his such as Fascism and anti-Fascism through a comedy like Anni difficili uniform. Then the postcard arrives that draws his son back to the war. The Spectator in the Mirror the character to confront his guilt and cowardice and acknowledge the casualness with which he and many others joined Fascism.

According to Vigliacchi, siamo stati tutti. Quelli che battevano le mani in piazza Goffredo Fofi , both Brancati in his short story and Zampa in e quelli che fischiavano nascosti in casa. Io ho fatto morire mio figlio. On the contrary, they have Piscitello from his slumber and passive acceptance of Fascism. The first time we see Piscitello in front of a is a more powerful mirror of society than the short story. While In , Zampa and Brancati had a broader understanding of he looks at his image reflected in the mirror he tries to wake up his Italy than the writer had in , when his short story was published.

Piscitello wonders aloud how she will be able characters that intensify the satirical dimension of the plot, where to become a serious teacher if she wastes her time reading empty the relationship between Italians and political power, their ability to literature. Their lack of political consciousness is revealed when they church and Fascism more fully. Paradoxically, the censor asked production to remove political and intellectual ineptitude.

The in Modica dying along with him. On the other hand, the the Regime is furtive: He pretends to go to war or urinates on his party affiliation card or his black shirt.