Los cuatro sonetos de Enrique Banchs se refieren a una estatua de -mujer cuya hermosura emociona al poeta. En el siglo xvii, Giambattista Marino, en su famosa Galeria, se muestra movido de sentimiento similar: Del modernismo a la E se Natura pits di te s'apprezza perch6 da l'alme ai simulacri suoi, tu vinci lei, poi che senz'alma puoi l'alme nostre invaghir di tua belleza. Anzi vantaggio ii tuo difetto fai, poich' immortal miracolo novello, non vivend'alma in te, sempre vivrai. Ceda dunque la falce a lo scarpello, che certo al Tempo ed a la Morte mai soggiacer non devea corpo si bello 4 En el poema de La Galeria encontramos, por un lado, el tema, la estatua de mujer que conmueve al poeta; por otro, el esbozo en dos versos de lo que Enrique Banchs desarrollari en cuatro sonetos: I Padova, , p.
Marino escribi6 otro poema con el mismo titulo y semejante tema, una sextina, que apenas vale la pena mencionar porque en sus versos aparece la metafora del diamante, como en el primer soneto de Banchs: Naturalmente, el uso de la imagen en Banchs es lo bastante tradicional para no tener que depender necesariamente de los poemas de Marino. Tu que nunca podris cerrar la mano, tienes en gesto de carifio humano la Tinica mano abierta en mi camino El dialogo enamorado con la estatua es comin a ambos poetas, como lo es la paradoja de la hermosura sin alma, pero hay un detalle nuevo en esta tradici6n y que define la emoci6n de Banchs ya desde el primer verso.
Asi, el tinico ser que promete amor estd paralizado en puro gesto sin vida. Los dos tercetos de Marino definen esa paradoja de la inmortalidad de lo que no tiene alma. Tal es el tema del segundo soneto de Enrique Banchs: Esa mano lujuriosa, asi como el artista enamorado de la estatua, es tema de remota alcurnia clasica: Pigmali6n y su hermosa de marfil. Es, claro estd, en las Metamorfosis X, donde se encuentra ese mismo erotismo, idealizado en Banchs y la corriente petrarquista, y por lo menos una vez exacerbado en nuestra poesia de los siglos aureos, en un soneto an6nimo de estirpe claramente ovidiana: Cuanto el lascivo impulso me limito a tu belleza tanto mas se atreve.
Vali6te ser en piedra rostro y cuello: Nada de tales torpezas se columbra en nuestro poeta, que apenas arrima la amorosa ofrenda de sus sienes en flor a los senos de la hermosa. Y, sin embargo, el mito de Pigmali6n sobrevive en la caricia enamorada y en el deseo no por tdcito menos intenso de amar la mujer estatua. Los efectos del deseo imposible se subliman conmovidos en la meditaci6n sobre la inmortal belleza de la escultura amada. En el cuarto soneto volvemos a leer de la inm6vil hermosura que derrota al tiempo, de la indiferente hermosura que el cincel ha hecho, tanto en Marino como en Banchs, vencedora de la muerte: Qui6n tuviera, loh, mujer que no suspira!
Mi espiritu jamas podr animarte, ni turbar un instante solamente el gesto grande que te ha dado el arte El arte inmoviliz6 la estatua en gesto que es promesa de amor, y por ser arte la inmortaliz6 en sustancia amable pero jamas amante, materia y siempre indiferente! En esta eternizada indiferencia el poeta siente admirable estoicismo. Emoci6n nueva en esta tradici6n, ahonda su paradoja.
La serenidad inmutable de la estatua -esa serenidad que el poeta desearia para si ante la vida y la suerte- no difiere de la exigida imperturbabilidad del marmol ante el deseo amante. El espiritu turbado del hombre jamts turbard el gesto de la hermosa, por lo pdtreo sereno, por lo sin vida eterno. No sd si la obra del autor del Adone estuvo al alcance del joven argentino.
Por cierto, el brillante y a veces hasta estridente italiano difiere en mucho del tono general de Enrique Banchs. Sin embargo, estos poemas pertenecen claramente a la misma tradici6n po6tica; aun me atreveria a decir que no seria imposible que ambos compartieran id6ntica fuente, directa e indudable en Marino, que casi traduce el poema original, y reelaborando ecos de su propia tradici6n -la del petrarquismo hispanico- en Enrique Banchs. Me refiero al soneto que Lope de Vega dedic6 a La Venus de marmol: May 13th ; approved: This is an updated and expanded version of a paper originally published online in The Bible and Interpretation, November Two types of patina cover the tablet: The patina covers the rock surface as well as the engraved lettering grooves and blankets and thus post-dates the incised inscription as well as a crack that runs across the stone and several of the engraved letters.
Radiocarbon analyses of the carbon particles in the patina yield a calibrated radiocarbon age of to Cal BP. The presence of microcolonial fungi and associated pitting in the patina indicates slow growth over many years. The occurrence of pure gold globules and carbon ash particles is evidence of a thermal event in close proximity to the tablet above degrees Celsius.
This study supports the antiquity of the patina, which in turn, strengthens the contention that the inscription is authentic. Jehoash inscription — Archaeometry — Patina — Gold globules Resumen: Our goal was to determine, based solely on scientific evidence, whether the tablet is a forgery or genuine. Since this tablet represents the only Judahite royal inscription found to date, it is of critical importance to history and Biblical archaeology.
A similar account of the Temple repairs is also found in II Kings According to Cohen, the translation of the 16 lines of the ancient Hebrew is as follows: Epilogue lines 14—16 May this inscribed stone become this day a witness that the work has succeeded, and may God thus ordain His people with a blessing. According to Cohen the philological and grammatical contributions of the JI to Biblical Hebrew are valid whether or not the JI is authentic. The JI may well be an original text belonging to the First Temple period style. It cannot be proven philologically to be a modern-day forgery.
He demonstrated that copying a stele or an engraved stone inscription was a common act during the ancient times similar to the copying of the holy scrolls. Chemical, geologic and petrographic analyses support the antiquity of the patina, which in turn, strengthens the contention that the inscription is authentic.
The Tablet The general color of the fine-grained JI tablet 31 x 25 x 9 cm in size is gray to black. A fissure, less than 0. The crack fades inward toward the center of the tablet and is almost invisible on its back. The presence of the crack favors the authenticity of the inscription since a modern engraver would have known that incising across this line of weakness would have jeopardized the structural integrity of the tablet.
The tablet broke into two separate pieces along this fissure after being taken into custodial care by the Israel Antiquity Authority IAA. The sudden breakage of the tablet revealed that the top half of the Cohen ; Analysis shows that the rock tablet is composed mainly of very small unsorted subangular quartz grains and angular to subrounded, unsorted feldspar grains. When we studied the rock in thin section slices about 0.
This type of sandstone occurs in Cambrian formations found in southern Israel and in southwest Jordan and was therefore available to ancient stone workers in Judea. Such local rocks are found south of the Dead Sea, in the Timna area and in southern Sinai, mainly in the Amudei Shelomo, Timna and Shechoret formations. In the Temple of Serabit el-Khadem in southern Sinai, hundreds of stelae with hieroglyphic inscriptions from the Middle and New Kingdoms are carved from the arkosic sandstone of the Shechoret Formation upper part.
These rocks are the same type of which the JI tablet is made of. However, Goren et al. Such a definition led them to note that such metamorphic rocks are not reported from outcrops in the southern Levant. Thus, aspersion was cast on the authenticity of the artifact. However, their identification of the rock was erroneous. Thin section analysis of the Yehoash tablet examined also by the petrographer Dr. Arieh Shimron, Geological Survey of Israel, confirmed our original definition11 of arkosic sandstone.
Many of the incised letters exhibit defects in shape at their edges. These defects are due to the detachment of quartz and feldspar grains during the erosion and weathering of the sandstone. The Patina The patina is the outer crust that was formed due to chemical and biological conditions resulting from weathering of the rock and the material interacted and accreted from its burial environment.
The patina on the side of the Bender The first thin layer, up to 1 mm thick, is attached firmly to the rock. This film-like black to reddishbrown iron oxide, covers the surfaces of the tablet and the letters. A second layer, lighter in color, beige to ochre and up to 1 mm thick, is found mostly within the letters but also on the surface that was partly cleaned. This light patina covers also the fractures and the middle crack Fig. It contains silica, feldspar and carbonate minerals that form a texture of interlocking grains supported by carbonate matrix that contains small carbon ash particles.
We can exclude a cave as the site of deposition. The patina on the surface carrying the inscription is composed of elements derived from the tablet itself e. The patina on the back of the tablet has the same composition but with some silica and carbonate in one place about 2. This siliceous-carbonate material could be an original vein filling within a bedding plane or a joint in the original rock, similar to those found in the clastic rocks exposed in southern Israel and Sinai, and may represent a natural rock fissure along which the rock was detached for further processing as is the case in many quarries.
Moreover, Goren et al. However, we propose that the softness or hardness of the patina cannot be used as an indicator of authenticity, especially as we reported that the light patina had been exposed to cleaning.
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But the biogenic black-reddish patina with the pitting made by microorganisms is firmly connected to the stone Figs. After production and the engraving of the JI inscription, the tablet underwent significant changes by burial processes, especially by cleaning and enhancement after excavation. The surface of the JI, as well as the letters, is covered by continuous black-reddish and beige patina layers Figs.
No indications of adhesive materials or other artificial substances that could indicate addition, pasting, or dispersion of artificial patina on the inscribed face of the tablet have been observed. Age of the Patina Carbon ash particles are trapped within the patina. Samples of the patina were radiocarbon dated at an age of to years ago. The distribution of the globules detected by a scanning electron microscope SEM is approximately 10 globules per square mm and the total weight of the globules in the patina was calculated to be to less than 0.
Microcolonial Fungi Microcolonial Fungi MCF are known to concentrate and deposit manganese and iron and play a key role in the alteration and biological weathering of rocks and minerals. They are microorganisms of high survivability, inhabiting rocks in extreme conditions and are also known to survive in subsurface and subaerial environments.
We found long-living black yeast-like fungi that form pitted embedded circular structures of 20— microns in size on the patina inside the letters [Fig. These fungal colonies identified as Coniosporium sp. Discussion We found a rich assemblage of different particles within the patina of the JI tablet that contains feldspars, carbonate, iron oxide, subangular quartz grains, carbon ash particles and gold globules 1 to 4 microns in diameter.
Gold powder comprised of globules 1—2 microns in diameter does not exist in the modern gold market as suggested by them. However, gold powder or dust, with an average size between 70 to 80 microns, has an angular shape. Native gold dust from Sardis, Turkey contains irregular flattened flakes with rounded edges, — microns in size, but not globules.
According to Meeks,21 pure gold globules of 3— microns in diameter were found in the production and refining site of Sardis resulting from melting processes. One would expect many gold globules of various sizes to occur in clustered aggregates in the patina if it were of recent origin, but this is clearly not the case. The small amounts detected and its distribution would be difficult to produce within any artificial patina. The occurrence of pure gold globules 1—2 microns is evidence of the melting of gold artifacts or gold—gilded items above degrees Celsius.
Exposures of Cretaceous marine carbonate rocks are abundant in Jerusalem and provide a majority of its building stone. Indeed, well preserved marine carbonate microfossils that were found within the patina were derived from the weathering of these exposed rocks as well as by wind transport. These minute fossils occur in abundance in everyday dust in Jerusalem22 as well as in the local soils. But, Goren et al.
We maintain that these microfossils within the patina can be easily explained as a component of a genuine patina derived from the surrounding Cretaceous marine carbonate rocks that are ubiquitous 20 Goren et al. Indeed, their absence within a patina purportedly coming from the Jerusalem area would be suspicious since the entire city is situated upon these marine rock exposures. These microfossils should be as plentiful in the historical past as they are today.
We therefore strongly disagree that these microfossils are an indication of forgery. They said that signs of fresh cuttings and polishing are exposed within the letters. Fresh engraving can be easily revealed by illuminating the tablet with ultraviolet light. In addition, the biogenic black to reddish patina is covering and firmly attached to the letters with morphological continuity to the tablet surface Figs.
Based upon the results of four oxygen isotopic analyses of the carbonate patina, Goren et al. Yet, of the four samples only two can be related to carbonate precipitation from fresh water. However, there are ways that isotopically depleted carbonate can be generated and incorporated into a genuine patina.
One example is a thermal event. It has recently been brought to our attention 29 that an isotopic study of white crusts that cover limestones that had been burned 24 Goren et al. Therefore such isotopic depleted carbonate values are found in the Jerusalem area. Lately, the compositions of oxygen isotopes were measured in patinas on several artifacts from officially sanctioned excavations, and they exhibit a wide range of values.
It is clear that the use of the oxygen isotope method for the authentication of archaeological artifacts is premature and unreliable. To our knowledge, this method is not used in any lab in the world today. The formation of a patina on archaeological artifacts is probably produced in a series of sporadic events and is not comparable to continuous growth of stalagmite rings.
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Thus, it is inaccurate to assume that patina formation is comparable to the formation of stalagmites in a closed system ignoring all interactions with the environment, the microorganisms as well as anthropogenic interventions. Thus the tablet may be a royal inscription that was placed in Jerusalem at the time of King Yehoash, about years BP.
If this scenario is correct, then both the nature of the patina and the fact that its apparent age is younger than the inscription by years needs to be explained. We propose the following sequence of events. The tablet may have been emplaced in Jerusalem about years BP and remained there for about years, during which time the margins of its letters were weathered. When the Temple was destroyed by the Babylonians about years BP BC , the tablet was broken and subsequently buried in the rubble. After burial, the patina began to accrete on the tablet including carbon fragments.
We believe that the apparent age of 2, years BP as determined in the laboratory is an average of several pieces of soot carbon , 30 Prof. Aldo Shemesh, Weitzman Institute, pers. It also could be a copy of the original of this age 3rd century BC as suggested by some Biblical scholars. The presence of the pure gold globules can also be explained within this scenario since gold is not a constituent of the rock tablet nor found within any of the sedimentary rocks in the Jerusalem area.
The source of the gold globules may have been gold artifacts or gold-gilded items that existed in Jerusalem at that time. As Jerusalem was burned,32 some of the gold could have melted in the conflagration, been injected into the air and re-solidified there, to settle later as minute globules on the ground. These globules were later incorporated within the patina that developed on the buried tablet.
Another possibility is that these gold globules were incorporated into the patina during the burning of the second Temple in 70 CE. We believe that the tablet underwent seven stages of formation: A stonecutter carved a tablet from local sandstone. The letters were incised. Weathering processes caused the detachment of quartz grains along the margins of the letters.
The tablet was fractured on two sides and cracked in the center. A thermal event occurred in which gold was heated to a temperature of more than degrees Celsius and melted forming gold globules. These globules were sorted and winnowed into the soil near where the tablet was deposited. The globules as well as carbon ash particles from the conflagration were trapped within the patina.
Simultaneously, micro-bio-geological processes were responsible for the development of the black reddish microcolonial fungi MCF patina and the light beige calcitic patina. Conclusions Our analyses altogether support the authenticity of the JI tablet and tablet inscription.
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All evidence hints to a joint or very close age origin of the production of the tablet and the incised inscription. The central crack and the upper fracture cut across several lines and letters, 2. The margins of the letters are weathered, 3. Quartz and feldspar grains found within the patina are identical to those found within the rock, 4.
The patina that covers the tablet includes carbon ash particles and minute and well-sorted globules of pure gold, a product of melting, 5. The surface pattern inside 32 II Kings The age of the charcoal interlocked within the patina is approximately 2, years BP according to carbon dating, 7. We did not find any element related to the use of modern tools, 8. The microbiogenic patina is dense, coating all surfaces as well as the engraved letters, and indicates growth over extended periods of time.
The use of the oxygen isotope method for the authentication of archaeological artifacts is premature and unreliable. To our knowledge this method is not used in any lab in the world today. Cited R eferences Bender, F. Berlin, Gebrueder Borntraeger Berlin. Hebrew, Idumean, and Cuneiform. Hebrew Bible Monographs 8. Sheffield, Sheffield Phoenix Press, pp. Lisbon, University of Lisbon. Atmospheric Dust in Israel: Sedimentological and Meteorological Analysis of Dust Deposition.
Jerusalem, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Tel Aviv 31, pp. Israel Geological Survey Current Research 13, pp. K rumbein and J. Journal of Archaeological Science 35, pp. R amage and P. Cambridge, British Museum, pp. The Journal of the Paul Getty Museum. Tel Aviv, Ministry of Defense, pp. Note the detail of the tablet showing part of the right side of the prominent central fissure now broken transecting the engraved letters. The patina is covering the letters as well as the fissure the width of the righthand margin is approximately 15 mm.
A view of the lower part of the broken tablet along the fissure in Figure 1 line 8 of the right side including its lower margin. A thin black, orange-brown biogenic patina layer attached firmly to the rock covers all surfaces of the tablet as well as the grooves of the letters the black and brown-patina is 1 mm thick. Enlargement of Figure 2. The patina layers consist of a lower biogenic iron oxide black to brown film above which is a light beige-ochre upper layer the width of the engraved grooves of the letter is about 1 mm.
Observe a groove representing a part of a letter and the layers of the patina that fill in and cover the letter as well as the rock surface. The lower patina layer consists of black and orange-brown layers occurring one next to the other. Both are composed of iron-oxide that can be seen on lateral margins of the groove as well as on the surface of the tablet, above which is a light beige-ochre upper patina layer the width of the groove is about 1 mm.
Note the morphological continuity between the patina on the rock surface and the engraved rock. This iron oxide patina is the product of microcolonial fungi activity during a long period of time the width of the groove of the letter is about 1 mm. The script on the tablet, transliterated to current Hebrew letters.
After Ilani et al. A reassessment is made of the local archaeological evidence and especially of the findings of the Hejazi Qurayya pottery in archaeological assemblages of the southern Levant. It is argued that the chronology of the New Kingdom activities at Timna needs a revision towards lower dates. Timna — Egypt — Qurayya pottery — Chronology Resumen: October 3rd ; approved: Bimson Until the s it was widely believed, following the work of Nelson Glueck, that the copper deposits of the southern Arabah had been exploited during Iron Age II by the biblical King Solomon and his successors.
This view was overturned by the results of the Arabah Expedition, begun by Beno Rothenberg in Within ten years a very different picture had emerged from the work of Rothenberg and his colleagues. The copper industry of the area had been active during three main phases: These finds fixed the date of those operations firmly to the 13th—12th centuries BC. In I questioned the new consensus, pointing out that the Egyptian finds are in tension with other evidence that points to a later date. Since then there have been a number of attempts to shorten the conventional chronology of Egypt by varying degrees.
Scholars dealing with the history and archaeology of all areas that depend on Egypt for their dates would do well to note the comment of Egyptologist Aidan Dodson: Much of that paper is now out of date and the present one should be regarded as superseding it. The present paper begins by briefly sketching the history of the debate between Glueck and Rothenberg. It then focuses on some of the chronological tensions which the new consensus has not resolved, and which point to the need for a shorter chronology for Egypt. Finally it explores how one model for a revised chronology could resolve those tensions.
Bimson The southern Arabah was identified as a copper-working area by J. Petherick as long ago as Partly on the basis of the pottery he found in the area, which he felt was all Iron Age II, and partly on the basis of historical probability, Glueck became convinced that the mines had been exploited from the time of Solomon, in the 10th century BC, down to the end of the Judean monarchy in the 6th century BC.
Tell el-Kheleifeh lies half a kilometre from the shore of the Gulf of Aqabah, midway between the modern towns of Aqabah and Elat and only a few metres from the boundary between Israel and Jordan. Glueck never published a technical report of his excavations at Tell elKheleifeh but he discussed the site and its pottery in several articles. He divided its occupation history into five levels which he idiosyncratically numbered from the bottom up. Only Level IV, the second level from the surface, produced useful dating criteria. However, his reason for stretching Dodson Glueck interpreted one of the structures at Tell el-Kheleifeh as a refinery, and believed that copper from the mines in the southern Arabah at Timna and in Wadi Amrani had been smelted there.
He also compared some of the pottery he found associated with the Arabah mines with the pottery from Tell el-Kheleifeh. The work was undertaken by Gary Pratico and published in Hence Tell el-Kheleifeh cannot have been Ezion-geber or any other Solomonic settlement. Pratico distinguished two phases at Tell el-Kheleifeh, the first surrounded by a casemate wall, the second, covering a larger area, surrounded by an offsetinset wall. In Rothenberg founded the Arabah Expedition to study systematically the ancient metallurgical operations there. The Expedition soon distinguished three main types of pottery in the region: It is now generally known as Negev or Negevite ware.
Mussell , see pp. This is usually wheel-made, pink-buff ware with a heavy cream-coloured slip, decorated in brown, reddish-brown and black. However, it also differs from Edomite ware, e. The origins of this pottery became apparent in when it was found in abundance at the site of Qurayya in the Hejaz northwest Arabia , about 70 km NW of Tabuk. Petrographic analysis revealed that the pottery of this type found at Timna had almost certainly come from the Hejaz, probably from Qurayya.
The rest seems to have been made locally. Of the three types this was the most abundant and the only one for which datable comparanda existed in Palestine and neighbouring areas. Shallow, carinated cooking pots with small folded rims and no handles were a particularly useful guide. The latter also refers to INAA results. In , during the excavation of a smelting camp known as Site 2, all three types of Arabah pottery were found together for the first time in a well-stratified context, and Rothenberg reported the discovery as follows: The pottery must be dated 12th—11th centuries BC and nothing later was found in the excavations.
Here all three types of pottery were found together again, and this time they were stratified with inscribed Egyptian finds bearing the cartouches of pharaohs from the 19th and 20th Dynasties. This discovery required even earlier dates for the pottery, in 18 Aharoni Similarly in Glueck Albright, quoted by Glueck Glueck acknowledged the Egyptian finds in the second edition of his book The Other Side of the Jordan,23 but still did not accept that his late dates for the pottery had been refuted.
Albright, however, accepted the implication of the Egyptian finds. Shortly before his own death in September that same year, he retracted his earlier statements, saying that he and Glueck had both been wrong in their dating of the Arabah pottery. On the other hand, the early dates based on the Egyptian finds are in tension with other evidence that points to a later date. Chronological questions John J. Gold, almug wood and precious stones are said to have been imported from Ophir via this port 9: The copper mines of the southern Arabah were close to the Red Sea, offering a valuable trading commodity.
It would have made little economic sense for the mines to lie unworked when the organization for their effective exploitation existed, and a port with an expanding maritime trade had been established nearby. Glueck initially interpreted a solidly-built, four-room structure as a copper smelter. He thought that holes in its walls had been flues, and that some of the pottery vessels found there were crucibles. He also found signs of fire which he thought pointed to its use for smelting. This interpretation was later overturned by Rothenberg: Rothenberg reinterpreted the building as a granary, a view which Glueck accepted.
While retracting his interpretation of the building as a copper smelter, Glueck emphasised that copper slag had been found at the site. The slag is of the fayalite type, produced by the use of an iron oxide flux. In this respect it is similar to the majority of slags from Site 2 and Site 30 Layers 3—2 at Timna. But if so, this still leaves the question of where the copper ore may have come from.
Copper mines in the Faynan district in the north-eastern Arabah were being exploited during Iron II,35 but these lie some km from Tell elKheleifeh; the mines at Timna lie only 25 km from Tell el-Kheleifeh, and those in Wadi Amrani are less than half that distance away. Therefore, no analysis based on these parameters allows us to distinguish unambiguously between copper produced at Timna and Faynan. Koucky and Miller For details of slag from Timna see e. Baron in turn replied to Rothenberg: None of the pottery presently in the collection from these sites can be identified as dating to the Late Bronze Period.
The evidence for this comes from Site 30, a smelting camp where three strata have been distinguished. The earlier two strata, numbered Layer 3 and Layer 2, contained the same mixture of pottery types as the Hathor temple with the addition in the earliest stratum, Layer 3, of some Egyptian red-burnished pottery. Between Layer 2 and Layer 1 was a layer of wind-blown soil, indicating a period of abandonment.
Layer 1 differs from those below in its smelting technology and its pottery: From there it reached the Arabah, Edom, the central Negev and a few sites further into southern Palestine. The majority of sites where it occurs have yielded only a few sherds. It is therefore important to look more closely at the stratigraphy of the Hathor temple Site For a thorough discussion of the distribution of this pottery see now Tebes a; for earlier discussions: Rothenberg and Glass ; Rothenberg Her detailed stylistic analysis of the numerous votive offerings from the temple leads her to conclude: Rothenberg has resisted this conclusion on stratigraphical grounds.
In light of this it is worth recalling an earlier debate concerning an inscribed building stone from the Hathor temple site. This bears a partially effaced cartouche which K. Kitchen, on the basis of a photograph, read as that of a Thutmose Kitchen This would have required a foundation date in the 18th Dynasty. Schulman, the Egyptologist for the Arabah Expedition, insists that the cartouche is that of a Ramesside pharaoh Schulman With little or no break, worship at the temple site was renewed in Stratum II.
Worshippers at the shrine continued to use QPW: In her view, QPW did not appear until the 12th century BC and may have been in use for only a short period. Its users may simply have left the Timna Valley. But he was only able to produce good dating criteria for what he called Level IV. These included Edomite inscriptions and many items of pottery which showed a strong Assyrian influence: Assyrian metal and pottery vessels All other pottery from the site belongs to the 8th—6th centuries BC and later.
Rothenberg has Glueck On possible continuation to the end of the Persian period see Bienkowski a, especially pp. The chief reason for resorting to such arguments is that criteria derived from Egyptian chronology especially, but not exclusively, the finds at Timna have pushed the manufacture of QPW back to the 13th—12th centuries BC, and it is generally considered unlikely that it continued in use for several centuries.
At Tawilan, in addition to two sherds of QPW found during surface surveys,71 a stratified sherd was excavated by C. This was associated with late Iron II pottery. See also Singer-Avitz She informed me pers. BC, that is, some seven hundred years. By contrast, the Qurayya painted pottery combines simple shapes with sophisticated decorations that show a high level of aesthetic appreciation. But if it is unlikely that QPW was in use for several centuries, it is also methodologically dubious to posit phantom Iron I strata to which sherds can be attributed. This line of reasoning has led in many cases to assumptions that are not properly supported by the evidence.
Specifically, the existence of Iron I occupation has been suggested at several sites because of the occurrence of QPW, despite the fact 73 Rothenberg and Glass Rothenberg and Glass Yet such a model seems to be at odds with the growing findings of QPW in late contexts in the Negev and Edom. Calibrated 14C dates indicate occupation during the 11th—early 9th centuries BC.
Findings of QPW led the excavator, T. Levy, to suggest earlier dates for occupation in the site, as early as the 12th century BC,96 although the exact find spots of these ceramics were not provided. Fritz, suggested an 11th century BC date for the local QPW;98 however, soon after this site was radiocarbon dated to the 9th century BC.
Here, the opposite case. Moreover, she suggests that this early occupation—and the QPW that originated in it— dates to the 12th century BC.
Although the evidence for ascribing QPW to Iron II contexts is reasonably strong, some caution must be expressed for a number of reasons. First of all, given the similarities between the QPW painted decorations and those in other Late Bronze wares, it has become customary to identify QPW based on their decorative patterns and their origin Qurayya.
Although it cannot be ruled out that someday QPW will be found to have been manufactured in Edom or the Negev, examples of QPW found in late contexts have been identified as such because of their decorations but so far neither Neutron Activation Analysis NAA nor petrographic studies have been carried out on them.
Second, the amount of QPW in fact, sherds that has been unearthed in very late contexts is so far very limited. A third problem is the resemblance between some of the QPW decorative patterns with those of the Edomite painted pottery, which could have led the inexperienced eye to confuse both pottery traditions. Fourth, material from surveys supplements the repertoire of QPW in southern Jordanian sites.
Because all of these wares were found in surveys out of any stratigraphic context, and given the uncertainties regarding the Iron I period in Edom, it is uncertain whether they belong to the Iron I or Iron II periods. Lastly, some of these QPW sherds might be stray finds, sherds that somehow found their way into later strata. The above discussion demonstrates that more research is needed on the QPW found in late contexts, particularly NAA and petrographic studies. These investigations may shed new light onto the relationship between the QPW and Edomite ceramics. The Edomite pottery is a distinctive ceramic group found in the territory of Biblical Edom southern Transjordan and in Negev sites of the Late Iron Age.
An important point is that, typologically, it is very difficult to find similarities in form between the QPW and Edomite ceramics. It should be noted that there is a restricted spectrum of QPW types, which appear predominantly in the form of small table wares and containers. Edomite wares, by contrast, exhibit a wider range of types and variations.
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Typologically, QPW bowls bear more resemblance to the coarser, hand-made Negevite pottery that was characteristic of the whole Iron Age, than to the finer Edomite bowl types. However, in dealing with parallels for the QPW one should bear in mind that not only has it been found in relatively large quantities only at Timna, but also that in this place it was especially concentrated in the Temple of Hathor, a fact that accounts for the unusually high ratio of small table wares bowls and containers jugs, juglets, goblets found at the site.
The main pointers to a putative relationship between the QPW and Edomite pottery are the patterns of decoration. Geometrical designs occur on both wares. Radial strokes around the rims of bowls; 3. Small dots between two bands; 4. Vertical lines between horizontal lines; 5. Net pattern; Oakeshott Crosses between two horizontal lines—however those in the QPW are smaller; 7. Triangles between two bands. However, a number of characteristic QPW decorative traits are consistently absent in the Edomite pottery, such as chevrons, lozenges, arches, semicircles, wavy lines, scrolls, depictions of birds—apparently ostriches—, schematic representations of human beings and camels.
It is also interesting to assess the fabric and origin of both pottery traditions. A cursory review of the available evidence shows that QPW and Edomite ceramics diverge in fabric and origin.
Particularly, it should be noted that the QPW was of coarser manufacture, made on slow wheels and sometimes hand-made. That these ceramics show close resemblance to each other should not be surprising in the light of their spatial overlapping as well as their temporal contiguity. Certainly, other contemporary traditions of painted decoration existed in the Negev and southern Transjordan.
I have suggested elsewhere that the Rothenberg and Glass Peter Parr has speculated on a possible relationship between the Edomite and Khuraybah styles, but even more intriguing is the possibility that the QPW was ancestral to the Khuraybah pottery. There are admittedly some significant differences between the two types: Qurayya designs are more elaborate and include animal and bird motifs which are absent from the Khuraybah pottery. Arabia in the Late Bronze Age. Applying a R evised Chronology John J.
Bimson We could summarise much of the foregoing discussion by saying that Egyptian dating criteria applied to the mining and smelting activities at Timna are in tension with other dating criteria which are independent of Egyptian chronology. See also Parr This chronological tension is not confined to the Arabah, but is replicated in numerous cultures around the Mediterranean.
Because they are dependent on Egyptian chronology, dates for the Late Bronze Age and early Iron Age are also reduced by this revision. If Pinch is correct in arguing that offerings to Hathor were already being made at Timna by the reign of Amenhotep III, we can suggest there was an Egyptian presence there shortly before BC.
Seti I would have reigned c. In the revision, Ramesses III reigns c. For subsequent bibliography on this chronology, see references in Morkot and James in this volume of Antiguo Oriente. This, however, rests on questionable correlations between biblical and Egyptian history and raises more problems than it solves.
As we have seen, the latest cartouche from the Hathor temple belongs to Ramesses V. The revision would probably place his short reign in the s BC. Lack of later Egyptian finds from the temple, and the period of abandonment attested at Site 30, suggest that the Egyptians left Timna during or soon after the reign of Ramesses V. Rothenberg has to assume a gap of two centuries or more between this Egyptian withdrawal from Timna and the revival of activity under Shoshenq I. In the Centuries of Darkness model, the 21st Dynasty overlaps with both the 20th and the 22nd, leaving only a short gap between the end of the 20th Dynasty and the start of the 22nd.
Shoshenq I, the first king of the 22nd Dynasty, reigns c. This would explain the copper ores and slag found at the latter site. However, if James et. It may be that the people who used it had simply left the copper mining and smelting sites by that time. As yet there is no clear evidence for the time when Qurayya painted ware went out of use. In terms of the year revision it certainly becomes feasible that its use extended into the 8th century BC, where it can readily be seen as an antecedent of Edomite pottery.
An 8th-century BC date for the demise of Qurayya pottery also means that Tell el-Kheleifeh could have been founded shortly before it went out of use, explaining the few sherds found there by Glueck. Each of the following deserves a much longer discussion, but the aim here is simply to point out a few implications. A likely candidate is the island of Jeziret al-Farun, a few kilometres away down the west coast of the Gulf of Aqabah. Bartlett suggests Tell el-Kheleifeh could still be identified with biblical Elath, a suggestion in keeping john j.
Significantly, surveys of Jeziret al-Farun have produced QPW, leading Rothenberg to suggest it served as a harbour for the mining expeditions of the 13th—12th centuries BC. Much lower dates for QPW would naturally affect the dating of occupation at Qurayya itself. In this way the dating of QPW has played a small part in the heated debate over the age of the Kingdom of Edom.
Lower dates for the end of the New Kingdom would not resolve all the issues, some of which involve the interpretation of C14 dates, but they would reduce the conflict over ceramics. Part of the debate over state-formation in Edom concerns the date of the fortresses at Tell el-Kheleifeh and En Hazeva the latter lying further north in the western Arabah. Some possible Iron II pottery was also found.
On the basis of their wheel-made pottery the Negev fortresses have been assigned a date in the 10th or 11th century BC, prompting Pratico to comment: If the Iron Age has been over-extended by a falsely high chronology for the LBA, the ceramics which provide the date of the Negev fortresses will have been dated too early.
The difference in dates between the Negev fortresses and Tell el-Kheleifeh would be reduced, and perhaps eliminated, by the revision proposed above. In my article I tried to show that several of the results then available were evidence of mining and smelting activities during the time of the Israelite monarchy.
As well as wheel-made pottery the central Negev fortresses produced examples of the hand-made Negev ware, which Rothenberg also found at Timna. The association of Negev ware with Egyptian finds at Timna led Rothenberg These are reproduced below with location details simplified. The late dates are, however, compatible with the lower chronology we have experimented with above, in which Egyptian activity at Timna probably from the late 18th Dynasty to the early 22nd Dynasty spans the 12th—8th centuries BC.
Because of their range, some dates could be compatible with either the conventional or the lower chronology. A few of the low dates deserve highlighting. BM provides a low date for material immediately overlying the Hathor temple Site , in good Weisgerber BM also suggests low dates for Site 2. Seven charcoal samples were taken from mining tunnels at Site excavated in — , where some shafts and galleries contained Early Bronze Age pottery and others contained pottery contemporary with that from the Hathor temple.
Two samples not included in our table gave dates in the Early Bronze Age. The two samples BM and BM are both from Layer 1 at Site 30, the stratum now associated with 22nd-Dynasty activity which Rothenberg suggests began with the campaign of Shoshenq I. Given the vagaries of radiometric dating, and bearing in mind that some of these samples were tested three decades ago when techniques were relatively crude, it would be unwise to attach much weight to the small number of radiocarbon dates currently available from Timna.
On the other hand, unexpectedly late dates can be explained in terms of incorrect association and Iron Age re-use of the sites. Bimson The dates currently given to mining and smelting operations in the southern Arabah produce a number of chronological anomalies and tensions. An experiment with the revised chronology of James et al. This does not, of course, prove the correctness of that model, and it is not the only revision to have been proposed in recent years; on the other hand, less radical revisions would not resolve the chronological tensions to the same degree.
He would like to express his gratitude to the following awards, without which this research would not have been possible: It should be noted that several of the lesser reductions that have been proposed can theoretically be combined to yield an overall reduction of over years for New Kingdom dates Bimson Palestine Exploration Quarterly 94, pp. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research , pp. Issues and Problems in the Archaeology of the Negev. Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 9, p.
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Suppl. Jerusalem, Israel Antiquities Authority, pp. Essays in Honour of J. Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, pp. Studies in History and Archaeology in Honour of Paul- john j. Sheffield Academic Press, pp. British Academy Monographs in Archaeology Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. A Re-assessment of Finds in the Arabah. Tyndale Bulletin 32, pp. The Early Iron Age Settlements. Publications of the Institute of Archaeology 7. Nijkerk, The Netherlands, Midbar Foundation. Radiocarbon Dates from Sinai and the Negev Highlands. Archaeology, Text and Science.
Excavations at Kadesh Barnea Tell el-Qudeirat — Plates, Plans and Sections. Israel Antiquities Authority Reports No. Jerusalem, Israel Antiquities Authority. Ancient Settlements of the Negev Highlands. The Iron Age and the Persian Periods. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 1, pp. The Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 14, pp.
Milwaukee, Milwaukee Public Museum. The First Season of Excavations, Tel Aviv 33, pp. Living on the Fringe. Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 6. Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press. Antiguo Oriente 6, pp. Biblical Archaeology Review 15, pp. An Edomite Shrine in the Biblical Negev. Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology No. Studies in Archaeology and Related Disciplines. Tel Aviv 22, pp. Tel Aviv 36, pp. Markers in Phoenician Chronology. Explorations in Eastern Palestine II. American School of Oriental Research Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 65, pp.
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 71, pp. The Other Side of the Jordan.
Biblical Archaeologist 28, pp. Elath Iron II Pottery. Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis Results. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 33, pp. The Archaeology of the Land of Edom. Bienkowski, Excavations at Tawilan in Southern Jordan. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft The Emergence of State in Judah. R ihani and I. Archaeology in the Holy Land. Atlanta, Scholars Press, pp. Bronk R amsey, N. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , pp. Working with the Data and Debates.
Antiguo Oriente 5, pp. On the Skirts of Canaan in the Iron Age: Historical and Topographical Researches. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Archaeology of the Land of the Bible. Israel Exploration Journal 35, pp. Bibliotheca Orientalis 41, cols. Studies in Arabian Archaeology. Sheffield Archaeological Monographs 7. A Response to Garth Bawden. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 4, pp. Votive Offerings to Hathor. Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
Journal of the Ancient Chronology Forum 10, pp. A Test of Time. Palestine Exploration Quarterly 98, , pp. Archaeology in the Negev and the Arabah. Givataim-Ramat Gan, Masada in Hebrew. Valley of the Biblical Copper Mines. London, Thames and Hudson. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 1. Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum Bochum, pp. The Egyptian Mining Temple at Timna. Researches in the Arabah — vol. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 8.
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Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, pp. Palestine Exploration Quarterly , pp. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East The Qurayyah Painted Ware. Tel Aviv 35, pp. Antiguo Oriente 4, pp. Buried History 43, pp. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 17, pp. Biblical Archaeologist 24, pp.
Distribution of Qurayya pottery in the southern Levant from Tebes a: Similar painted decorative patterns in Qurayya and Edomite wares. Bienkowski, Oakeshott and Berlin Freud and Beit-Arieh An Arab at Babylon BM The treatment of non-Babylonian personal names in this tablet and CTMMA 3 6 from the same archive differs from the treatment of Babylonian names suggesting that the scribe distinguished between the kin-groupaffiliated Babylonians and the non-Babylonians who lacked such affiliations.
Neo-Babylonian — cuneiform — Arabic — onomastics Resumen: April 3rd ; approved: Jonathan Taylor was kind enough to photograph BM for me for the purposes of this article. Another non-Babylonian personal name present in the archive poses some difficulty. On this tablet, however, the name is written m ad-bi-i-lu. The best way to interpret this name is to normalize it as Adbi ilu and understand it as being derived from Arabic adaba and il. Von Dassow and Spar Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents.
Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record 1. Babylonische Rechtsurkunden des ausgehenden 8. Munich, Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwaltungsurkunden. Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art 3. Bottom edge antiguo oriente 7 - aldbi ilu: Monthly, 10 shekels will accrue per mina upon it. Research concerning the exchange of local commodities was almost ignored or was discussed in parochial studies, focusing on specific archaeological finds. It is the intention of this paper to present the results of recent research of the exchange of commodities provided by archaeological data from excavations in the Southern Levant with regard to economic theories on the exchange-value of goods and exchange networks.
Conclusions regarding the type of society and the forms of government in the Southern Levant during the Early Bronze Age are also presented. Intercambio local in the Levante meridional durante la Edad del Bronce Temprano: February 15th ; approved: Exchange, sometimes called barter, refers to a particular type of interchange of commodities in which no money or other medium of exchange is used, although nominal exchange-values existed.
Numerous earlier studies have dealt with the subject in diverse regions and from a comprehensive theoretical point of view. However, studies dealing with this subject in the southern Levant have hitherto tended to be limited. They either concentrated on aspects related to particular finds or were restricted to very localized regions. International connections or contacts between the southern Levant and neighboring regions, such as Egypt, are related to trade and exchange and have been dealt with extensively by scholars for the Early Bronze hereafter, EB Age.
However, localized exchange within the southern Levant, understood as a system of circulation of goods between sites and local regions Figure 1 , is a subject that has not been fully addressed for this period, even though it has been the subject of study for later periods. This research attempts to fill this gap in the understanding by providing a synthetic study for the region during the entire EB Age Table 1.
Chronology of the Early Bronze Age in the southern Levant. Towards that end, different commodities within the EB were identified and then defined by site, region and period. These commodities included such items as recognizable groups of pottery i. They were first studied as specific cases according to site, region and period within the EB Age. They were then considered in terms of socio-economic relations, i.
This work has also adopted elements from models on archaeological exchange developed by Renfrew and Plog. Exchange Networks Interpreting patterns of exchange through data from the archaeological record can, at least for certain commodities, be extremely difficult and the results somewhat tentative because of the limitations of the available data.
By investigating the exchange of commodities during the EB Age some important observations may be made. First of all, it may be stated that no centralized or unified network of exchange existed; rather, there were several lines or paths of circulation that at times converged into approaching networks, some of which eventually displayed evidence of regional centralization. The separation of networks is sometimes clearly observable, as that between the north and south-central regions, where little interaction or mutual exchange Marx ; ; Rubin Renfrew ; ; However, some networks actually linked different regions, such as those of the Hill Country with the Shephelah, and those of the Southern Coastal Plain with the Shephelah, so that in different time spans and in associations with different commodities, intercourse between different regions did take place.
Economic aspects of these networks are notable in discernable patterns Figure 2.