Yet another study reported that the interaction between discrimination and years in the United States applied only for language discrimination but not racial discrimination As indicated by Table 3 , many Asian subgroups have been included. Most articles focused on Chinese and Filipinos and, to a lesser extent, Vietnamese and Koreans. These populations generally follow the distribution of Asian populations in the United States. Yet, we could find only 2 studies that focused on discrimination and health among South Asians in the United States, a surprise since Asian Indians are the third largest subgroup.
Both studies investigated racial teasing and eating disorders among women 99 , One additional study assessed discriminatory distress among 15 South Asian students, but it did not provide a clear connection to a health outcome Population-based studies of discrimination among South Asians have emerged in the United Kingdom. The survey by Bhui et al. Similarly, no articles have systematically examined Pacific Islanders in the United States, although several studies of Pacific Islanders have been conducted in New Zealand 55 , 56 , Finally, the studies represent diverse geographic areas in both the United States and other countries.
There do not appear to be any systematic differences in findings between studies using local populations and those using national samples. However, the reporting of discrimination appears to vary by location. For instance, one study indicated that reports of discrimination among Chinese in Los Angeles differed by neighborhood 54 , while another study found that reports of discrimination and the associations between discrimination and health varied between Filipinos living in San Francisco and those living in Honolulu Several mechanisms may explain the association between self-reported discrimination and illness, the predominant being stress 65 , , Stressors are appraised and counterbalanced by coping resources.
Illness results when stressors overcome these resources Because stressors activate numerous body systems, it is not surprising that discrimination is related to a variety of health outcomes. Hence, the diversity of outcomes investigated in the literature—ranging from depression 66 to cardiovascular problems 87 to obesity 92 —is not a random assortment of illnesses but an assortment all tied to the stress pathway.
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Moreover, it implies that studies focusing on just one health outcome may understate the potential problems related to racial discrimination , One limitation of the literature on Asian Americans, however, is that nearly all studies have involved outcomes that are based on self-reports. Investigations of discrimination among African Americans have included objectively measured outcomes, including blood pressure, coronary calcification, and mortality — Asian-American studies could include similarly objective outcomes.
Individuals may activate coping resources to mitigate discrimination 79 , Accordingly, 2 streams of research have emerged. The first stream studies how experiences of interpersonal discrimination may increase the risk of engaging in maladaptive behaviors as a way to manage stress , Evidence for this perspective has been found for smoking and alcohol disorders among Asian Americans 41 , 98 , Self-reported racial discrimination also was associated with higher odds of engaging in human immunodeficiency virus risk behavior among gay Asian men 53 , The second stream investigates how coping resources, such as social support and ethnic identity, may buffer discrimination.
The association between discrimination and health problems was weaker for individuals with high levels of social support 66 , 71 , As noted earlier, although most studies find that ethnic identity buffers discrimination 41 , 53 , 62 , 82 , 98 , some studies show the opposite effect 43 , 53 , 65 , A possible reason for this inconsistency may be related to the operationalization of racial identity Further, the associations between identity and discrimination vary by culture, generation, and age 65 , Taken together, this suggests that context matters when considering coping and discrimination 66 , Stress is not the only pathway whereby discrimination may influence health.
Direct pathways include mortality and morbidity from hate crimes. Indirect pathways include mediation through socioeconomic position, neighborhoods, or social evaluation 8 , For instance, discrimination may diminish educational achievement or the accumulation of wealth. Discrimination may also contribute to exposures to unsafe environments, as when residential segregation leads to exposure to air pollution In addition, social evaluation and symbolic interaction theories suggest that individuals derive their self-concept from the social values attached to their membership in groups and their experiences within these groups — Experiencing discrimination on the basis of racial group membership may be associated with poorer self-evaluation and subsequent poorer mental health.
Alvarez and colleagues , find that racial socialization information about race from society and identity schemas perceptions of oneself as a racial being predict the reporting of discrimination among Asian-American students, which in turn may increase the risk of mental health problems. These alternative pathways remain understudied among Asian Americans. For example, although it is intuitively appealing that socioeconomic position mediates discrimination, we are aware of no studies that have directly investigated this phenomenon.
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In fact, most studies find an association between discrimination and health even after controlling for socioeconomic position. Moreover, occupational discrimination may operate independently of more general experiences of discrimination Several other studies among African Americans and among Japanese Brazilians have found that socioeconomic position moderates the association between discrimination and health 52 , Taken together, these findings suggest that discrimination and socioeconomic position may both influence health independently and may also amplify the effects of one with the other.
Future studies should evaluate these propositions more fully. Some studies use individual items or single items, but these measures tend to be unreliable and may understate the extent of discrimination 54 , Both of these problems would tend to bias associations between self-reported discrimination and health toward the null i. No multiitem scale predominates, but the Everyday Discrimination Scale is the one most commonly used in large population-based studies Developed initially to examine routine and mundane experiences of discrimination among African Americans, the Everyday Discrimination Scale has been adapted for studies of Filipino Americans, Chinese Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and other Asian Americans 62 , Items focus on general experiences with discrimination, such as being harassed, being treated with less respect, and receiving poorer service in restaurants.
This scale has been associated with health problems among Asian Americans 62 , 83 , 87 , We are aware of only one study using this scale 81 among Asian Americans. These general population instruments may be insufficient. Qualitative studies suggest that Asian Americans face many of the same issues as other ethnic groups do, but Asian Americans also face unique types of discrimination For example, a study using key-informant interviews found that Hmong adults experience the same types of discrimination faced by African Americans, such as discrimination due to police mistreatment and verbal harassment.
However, this study also found that Hmong adults encountered discrimination based on nativity and English proficiency Another qualitative study of Japanese-American youth suggested that language discrimination was encountered as commonly as racial discrimination Hence, these instruments may underreport the experiences of Asian Americans.
Instruments developed for Asian Americans, not surprisingly, do include questions on nativity and language discrimination, as well as other issues, such as being a model minority. Some additional items are noteworthy. Self-report measures of discrimination face several limitations, including response biases. Some biases may prompt overreporting, for instance, if respondents experience psychological paranoia or some trait negativity In addition, individuals may misclassify behavior that is rude, but not related to race, as being racially motivated.
Response biases may also understate experiences with discrimination. One such bias may be social desirability, the tendency to present oneself favorably. Asian respondents who score high on social desirability are less likely to report racial discrimination 83 , a finding also seen in black and Latino populations In addition, individuals may avoid reporting racism because they are challenged by others to prove that discrimination exists 83 , , , Finally, some experiences with discrimination may be unrecognized or simply forgotten.
Most studies have focused on self-reported discrimination, but other dimensions and levels of discrimination should be acknowledged. At a more macro level, residential segregation is also associated with health problems among African Americans , Among African Americans, segregation is associated with increasing risk for adult and infant mortality Less research has focused on Asian Americans.
However, an important study by Morello-Frosch and Jesdale found that segregation among Asian Americans was associated with increased risk of exposure to carcinogenic agents. The iceberg analogy suggests that multiple levels of discrimination operate simultaneously. With the development of multileveling modeling techniques, researchers may design studies that examine both individual and institutional discrimination. One of the first studies to use this approach examined 2 levels among Chinese Americans Individual-level discrimination was measured with self-reported discrimination.
Institutional-level discrimination was assessed with residential segregation and redlining the practice of mortgage-lending discrimination. A few other studies have subsequently emerged that use a similar approach among other populations , This multilevel approach may be an important path for future research Another novel approach has been developed by Yip , who used PalmPilot devices to prompt Chinese-American students to report the racial composition of their surroundings, their feelings of ethnic identity, and their mental health.
These prompts occurred at random times during the day. Yip found that ethnic identity and mental health varied as a function of the racial composition of where the subjects were located. Her method could be used to examine how the microcontext is related to the reporting of discrimination and health outcomes. Data from public opinion polls, field studies, and surveys of Asian Americans themselves converge on the finding that Asian Americans continue to experience discrimination.
Further, our review of 62 studies shows that Asian Americans who report discrimination are more likely than not to also experience morbidity. Most research has focused on mental health, and the majority of these studies find associations in the hypothesized direction.
Although less consistent, the literature also finds that reports of discrimination are related to physical illness and health behaviors. The discrimination literature has expanded our understanding of population health in 2 major ways. First, discrimination may itself be a key risk factor for illness.
Second, discrimination prompts a reinterpretation of existing risk factors. This erosion effect is often attributed to acculturation, or cultural change Yet, the literature on discrimination suggests that another interpretation is possible: With increasing years in the United States comes increasing exposure to discrimination.
As suggested by Takeuchi et al. Consistent with this idea, studies find that the association between discrimination and health strengthens with years in the United States among Asian immigrants 75 , 92 , as well as among Latino and black immigrants This research has also emphasized within-group heterogeneity, a key characteristic of the Asian population.
This heterogeneity is based on not only culture but also socioeconomic position and experiences with discrimination. Estimates that aggregate across Asian populations may lose information about high-risk groups and lead to missed opportunities for intervention. Hence, studies should over-sample Asian subgroups and disaggregate their data. Within the United States, most studies of discrimination have focused on Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, and Korean populations.
Little is known about other populations, such as South Asians and Pacific Islanders. Studies that involve Southeast Asians in the United States tend to have small samples; all but one study had samples of less than participants. Hence, future research should focus on these populations and strive for large and probability-based samples. Future scholarship should also build the theoretical foundation for understanding heterogeneity. Although it is generally acknowledged that Asian subgroups should be disaggregated, the literature should provide greater guidance on how groups may differ.
For instance, theories suggesting that skin color is a primary determinant of racial bias may lead to the hypothesis that, on average, Asian groups with darker skin e. Alternatively, theories related to group contact, as with the psychological principle that familiarity breeds liking , inform the hypothesis that less common groups e. Another perspective from the group threat hypothesis suggests that Asian groups, once over a certain threshold in terms of proportional population i. Finally, the phenomenon, they all look alike — , suggests that non-Asians are unable to distinguish among Asian subgroups and, hence, subgroups would encounter equal levels of discrimination.
Research on Asians also suggests that the broader literature on discrimination may be expanded to incorporate additional domains Language, accent, nativity, and positive stereotypes i. Although these factors are often omitted from the general literature on discrimination, they may be relevant to many other populations. These conceptual issues are also related to measurement. A primary concern is the lack of standard measures of discrimination, which may account for some of the discrepant findings in the literature.
Existing scales suffer from 2 interrelated problems. The first problem is that scales initially developed for African Americans and subsequently adapted for more general populations may not adequately measure the Asian-American experience. Failure to measure these issues would likely underestimate the prevalence of self-reported discrimination and possibly lead to type II error failure to detect associations between discrimination and health problems among Asian Americans if these associations were in fact true.
The second is that some scales are too narrowly focused on one population to be applicable to multiple populations. For instance, the Asian-American Race-related Stress Inventory , developed specifically for Asian Americans, appears to be a promising tool for examining the heterogeneity within Asian-American populations. Yet, it is too focused to be of use for non-Asian populations and, hence, not suitable for comparative research. Respondents of all backgrounds could answer these questions about language and citizenship, even if it is expected that few would encounter such discrimination.
Adding these dimensions will provide new directions for research. For instance, some have speculated that positive stereotypes may cause stress and diminish mental health among Asian Americans The stereotype threat of being a model minority may at times impair , and at other times promote , cognitive performance among Asian-American female students. This suggests the possibility that blatantly presented positive stereotypes may influence health through both stress and educational disadvantage.
Another limitation is that nearly all studies of Asian Americans and discrimination are based on cross-sectional data. One exception was a study of Asian high school students that found that discrimination was associated with decreased mental health over 3 years Other studies with African Americans have also found that reports of discrimination are associated prospectively with illness , , , In addition, some studies have found that, while discrimination prospectively predicts illness, illness does not predict the reporting of racial discrimination , Nonetheless, the reliance on cross-sectional designs prevents the evaluation of causal relations and the study of the potential cumulative adverse effects of self-reported discrimination.
Hence, there is a serious need for longitudinal studies of Asian Americans. Self-reported experiences with discrimination constitute one important level of analysis, but segregation, redlining, and other forms of structural discrimination are equally important 54 , , Future research should develop new methods to assess structural discrimination and to study discrimination at multiple levels.
These multiple levels include variation based on geographic scale e. Moreover, although we focus on racial discrimination, future research should also examine discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender, and social class 71 , In closing, the literature suggests that Asian Americans appear to encounter racial discrimination in the present day and that these encounters may be related to a variety of health problems.
Most of these studies focus on self-reported discrimination. Research on discrimination at other ecologic levels, however, remains a noticeable gap. Future studies should also focus on factors that may reduce discrimination or its impact. This could include individual-level factors, such as participation on civil rights activities, or macro-level factors, such as civil rights legislation. Such studies would greatly extend the current body of research and provide ways to improve the public health.
The authors thank Nancy Breen, Stephen C. Meersman, and Rachel Ballard-Barbash for their helpful comments with earlier drafts of this manuscript. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC Jul 5. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Epidemiol Rev. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract Research shows that racial discrimination is related to illness among diverse racial and ethnic populations.
Asian Americans, ethnic groups, health status disparities, minority health, population dynamics, prejudice, residence characteristics, stress, psychological. Open in a separate window. First Author, Year Reference No. Self-reported discrimination and health: Institutional discrimination Most studies have focused on self-reported discrimination, but other dimensions and levels of discrimination should be acknowledged. Footnotes Conflict of interest: Contributor Information Gilbert C.
Perceived racism and blood pressure: Sue S, Morishima JK. The Mental Health of Asian Americans. Int J Health Serv. Race, race-based discrimination, and health outcomes among African Americans. Discrimination and racial disparities in health: Panel on Methods for Assessing Discrimination. National Academy Press; A systematic review of empirical research on self-reported racism and health.
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Psychological Resources, Inc; Racial and gender discrimination: Support Center Support Center. Please review our privacy policy. Two items on social discrimination and sense of marginalization in item scale measuring chronic strains. Korean version of CES-D — depressive symptoms. Social and psychological resources—no significant interaction with discrimination.
Three items on discrimination in the health-care setting, workplace discrimination, and negative stereotypes in a item scale of postmigration experiences. HSCL 25 — depressive symptoms and anxiety. Depressive affect measure —depressive symptoms. Forbearance—significant interaction with discrimination; ethnic identity—significant 3-way interaction with forbearance and discrimination. HSCL 25— depressive and anxiety symptoms. Sense of Coherence Questionnaire Zung Self-Rating Depression Scale — depressive symptoms. Two items experience of racism within the last year and employment discrimination.
Self-assessed health; disability; high blood pressure; diabetes; heart attack; breathing problems; depression; psychosis. No association in disaggregated analysis, hypothesized association for most health outcomes in aggregated analysis. Hypothesized association for mental health outcomes only. Index of Race-related Stress—Brief Version item measure evaluating racist situations and their effect ; 3 dimensions: Hypothesized direction for both personal and group discrimination. Everyday Discrimination Scale 9-item scale of frequency of chronic and routine unfair treatment e.
Hypothesized association for both types of discrimination; lifetime becomes nonsignificant when everyday discrimination is included. Ethnic identity—significant interaction with lifetime racism, not everyday discrimination. Eight items measuring frequency of personal experiences with discrimination, such as being hit or handled roughly, insulted or called names, treated rudely, or treated unfairly. Korean version of CES-D—depressive symptoms.
Coping styles—significant interaction with discrimination; acculturation—significant 3-way interaction with coping and discrimination. Hypothesized association of racism with depressive symptoms, antiimmigrant discrimination associated with HIV risk behavior. Family communication— significant interaction with discrimination. Three items on job-related racial discrimination and general perceived racism e.
Revised clinical interview schedule— presence of mental disorders 2 weeks before interview. Hypothesized association for Asian Indians and Bangladeshis reporting racial insults. Revised clinical interview schedule— risk of psychosis. Impact of Race-related Events, a scale used to assess PTSD symptoms associated with the presence of a race-related event. Asian-American Perceived Racial Discrimination Scale, a item measure of perceived encounters of discrimination e. PANAS — satisfaction with life, positive and negative affect.
Direct effect not reported, moderation effect only. Ethnic identity—no significant 2-way interaction with discrimination; significant 3-way interaction with problem solving and discrimination and cognitive restructuring and discrimination. Ethnic identity—significant interaction with all 3 discrimination items. Ethnic identity—significant interaction with peer discrimination on self-esteem only. General Ethnic Discrimination Scale 58 reported frequency of 18 types of discrimination experiences e. HSCL 58—psychiatric symptoms; cigarette smoking. Everyday Discrimination Scale Hypothesized association for depression and sense of coherence.
Eight items measuring frequency of personal experiences with discrimination e. Korean version of CES-D— positive affect and depressive symptoms. Hypothesized association for subtle discrimination and depressive symptoms; overt discrimination and positive affect. Analysis controls for race. GHQ 12—mental health symptoms; self-rated health, checklist of somatic symptoms. Argentina by had a per capita income approaching that of Australia, and the real growth rate of its economy had been almost twice that of Australia for Diaz-Alejandro, Justo, opposed industrial protectionism as late as the 's, because he accepted the role assigned to Argentina in the international division of labor.
Those countries where the export model was less successful, such as Peru, may, like Romania, have experienced more intensive efforts to critique the liberal development model before the Great Depression. But even in Peru and other countries with corporate peasantries, the liberal model seemed relatively successful to dominant elites; moreover, the anti-liberal discourse was not offered at a theoretical level that found acceptance among Comintern or other European Marxists, or, in the case of those who championed national industry, among neoclassically trained economists.
Well into the twentieth century, non-socialist theorists likewise made little headway against the thesis of comparative advantage. A striking instance concerns a corollary of Ricardo's doctrine, i. In Brazil, for example, Joaquim Murtinho, the Brazilian minister of finance , would do nothing for "artificial" industries in the financial crisis of , since equal treatment of all economic activities by the state would amount, in his view, to "socialism" Murtinho, n. In Chile, nonetheless, export-led growth, focusing on the nitrate boom before and after the War of the Pacific, laid a foundation for a manufacturing sector, and a Chilean industrialists ' association appeared in This fact was less unusual than that some Chileans favoring industrialization discovered and consistently propagated the ideas of Friedrich List.
List found his leading Chilean disciple between and the First World War in the person of Malaquias Concha, who popularized List's infant industry argument see Concha, In the 's, Brazilian industrialists advanced "practical" arguments: Almost no one in the 's who sought to develop Latin America along capitalist lines viewed export-driven growth as a problem requiring fundamental rethinking, as would the Argentine economist Raul Prebisch by the early 's. That is, for a given quantity of imports, Latin American countries would have to supply an ever-larger amount of exports.
Specifically, Estrada, like Prebisch in a more systematic way in the 's, attributed the price-scissors problem principally to rising labor costs in manufacturing in the United States his nation's main trading partner. This fact owed to trade-union activity, a pressure that was lacking in the price-formation of Latin American goods, which were chiefly agricultural.
But Estrada did not generalize beyond his own country, and was only groping for measures to offset the falling prices of cacao, Ecuador's leading export at the time Estrada, Adding a touch of racism, Siciliano neatly adapted Manoilescu's theory, contending in that Brazil could not continue to rely on traditional exports, because of the lower wages that Africans and Asians would accept in competing agricultural activities, implicitly raising their labor productivities; thus agriculture in Brazil did not possess any intrinsic superiority to industry cited in Pupo Nogueira, Like Manoilescu and others in Romania, the three Brazilians also tried to parry the charge of "artificiality" by pointing to the apparent legitimacy of the coffee-roasting industry in the United States and the sugar-refining industry in England, for which domestic raw materials did no exist.
Manoilescu's prestige as an economist was complemented by his reputation as a theorist of corporatism.
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As in the case of Marxism, the literature on corporatism in French had a much larger impact than that in German. Manoilescu's attitudes may have been as influential as his social ideas, at least among the industrialists who first championed him. They welcomed his unabashed elitism, his support of industrialization, his emphasis on the role of the state in the economy, and his insistence on the close link between nationalism and industrial development. Simonsen, who had frequently cited Manoilescu in the early 's, had ceased referring to the master by the Second World War.
Meanwhile, in , Simonsen presided at an industrialists' congress which called for the "harmonious" development of agriculture and industry, and championed government aid to agriculture Congresso Brasileiro da Industria, Despite the general absence of theoretical foundations for industrial development, for those Latin American countries that had made industrial advances in the 's, increased self-sufficiency in the 's was a "second-best" option, in view of the sustained crisis in export markets. Over the decade of the 's, industrial spokesmen grew bolder, except perhaps those Brazilians who had had initially followed Manoilescu.
In , he supports a moderate and "rational" protectionism, and defends the manufacturers against the charge of promoting policies inimical to the interests of Argentine consumers; in , he even-handedly justifies protection for both industry and agriculture; and by he attacks the industrial countries as having themselves violated the rules of the international division of labor by developing large agricultural establishments, only choosing to buy abroad when convenient ; ; During the 's, industrialists pointed to the vulnerability of export economies, which they more frequently dubbed "colonial" in the process.
Governments, however, moved hesitantly and inconsistently toward addressing the problems of industry. In the Argentine Minister of Agriculture, Luis Duhau, proclaimed the necessity of producing industrial goods that could no longer be imported for lack of foreign exchange , and he pledged his government's support for the process. Yet in the same month the Argentine government supported the U. Furthermore, as late as , Finance Minister Pinedo's plan for the economic development of Argentina still distinguished between "natural" and "artificial"industries, implying further that industrial development would occur in concert with the needs of the agricultural and pastoral sector Argentine Industrial Exhibition, ; Villanueva, In depression-era Brazil, dictator Getulio Vargas was proindustry Was he not the friend of all established economic interests?
But he opposed "artificial" industries manufacturing in his presidential campaign in , and government loans to "artificial" industries were still prohibited in Vargas only became committed to rapid industrial expansion during his Estado Novo dictatorship Although he said he could not accept the idea of Brazil s remaining a "semi-colonial" economy in , as late as , when the coffee market was still depressed after a decade of attempts to revive it, Vargas wanted to "balance" industrial and agricultural growth.
Only in did a division for industrial development of the Bank of Brazil begin to make significant loans. Protectionism in Mexico, according to one authority, "begins in earnest with the Second World War" Villareai, As director of the Central Bank from its inception in , Prebisch began to formulate his theories of unequal exchange between center and periphery. He assumed a greater rate of technological innovation in industrial countries, and argued that there were different responses to recessions by primary exporters and those exporting manufactures, because of the power of organized labor to maintain high Wages, and therefore high export prices, in the latter.
These propositions were not fully worked out until the latter 's, and were in part based on U. The question of how much Prebisch owed to Manoilescu was raised by Jacob Viner, the neoclassical trade theorist, a year after Prebisch's "manifesto" of , The Economic Development of Latin America and its Principal Problems. It seems probable, however, that Prebisch's ideas followed a different route to similar conclusions about the international trading system and the urgency of industrialization in underdeveloped countries Viner, At all events, the fact that Latin American policymakers clung to the ideology of free trade throughout the Great Depression seems to illustrate how slowly received ideas die.
The international trading system was in crisis over the whole period , but only at the end of the 's did ideological shifts flow from the observed fact that, in Argentina and Chile, industry's share of the national product was greater than agriculture's. Mexico and Brazil would soon follow. Admittedly, Latin American nations seemed to have more to lose than did eastern European countries before the Great Depression.
Romania, for instance, reacting to the agricultural protectionism of central and western Europe, had begun efforts to industrialize as early as Almost simultaneously that country was threatened by more efficient grain producers "overseas," among which was Argentina, as the Romanian publicist Petru Aurelian noted in In the Western Hemisphere a Pax Americana had suceeded a Pax Britannica during the 's; thus Chile, Argentina, and Brazil never became combatants against each other after the downfall of the Argentine dictator Rosas in , when Brazilian troops fought on Argentine soil.
In Latin America, industrialization was fact before it was government policy, and policy before it was theory. And it is true that no matter how committed Latin Amercan governments might have been to the international trading system, government policy was sometimes incoherent or accommodationist for established interests, including industrialists. Still, before the 's, industrialization had few intellectual champions, though some other aspects of liberal ideology had been challenged much earlier.
When a theoretical justification of industrialization appeared in , the Argentine economy would scarcely have been recognizable to intellectuals of Sarmiento's generation. They had advanced a liberal project, if not a bourgeois one. Prebisch and ECLA would reverse that emphasis, in effect inveighing against imperialism without abandoning capitalism. Academia de Stiinte Sociale si Politice Considerations on Western Marxism. Review of the River Plate, Dec. Bartra, Roger, et al. The European Periphery and Industrialization, Entrepreneurship in a Mixed Economy," in Raymond Vernon, ed.
Dependency and Development in Latin America. O pensamento industrial no Brasil Social Change in a Peripheral Society: The Creation of a Balkan Colony. Congresso Brasileiro de Industria Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic. Empresariado nacional e estado no Brasil. Editura Partidului Social-Democrat Originally published in Studiu economico-sociologic al problemei noastre agrare, in Opere Complete, Vol. Originally published in Land and Labour in Latin America: Eidelberg, Philip Gabriel The Great Rumanian Peasant Revolt of Origins of a Modern Jacquerie.
Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil: Harcourt, Brace and World, Its Meaning and National Characteristics. Weidenfeld and Nicholson, My Past and Thoughts. The Congress took place in Weidenfield and Nicholson, Development and Underdevelopment in Historical Perspective: Populism, Nationalism and Industrialization.
Underdevelopment and Development in Brazil. George Allen and Unwin. Foreign Languages Publishing House. Imferialismul Economic si Liga Natiunelor. Doctrine du corporatisme integral et pur. Fortele nationale productive si comertul exterior: Pasado y Presente, Los grandes problemas nacionales. Politics in the Semi-Periphery. Murtinho, Joaquim [Ministro da fazenda] n. See under United Nations. Em torno da tarifa aduaneira. Probleme si Soluti," Viitorul social, No.
Los marxistas de El movimiento socialista en Argentina. El pensamiento de la derecha latinoamericana. El desarrollo de las ideas en la sociedad argentina del siglo XX. A ideologia dos industriais brasileiros Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino Buenos Aires Originally published in Crises, Finances and Industry. Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier. Economic Commission for Latin America United Nations Originally published in Public Policy and Private Enterprise in Mexico.
Autoritarismo e corporativismo no Brasil Oliveira Vianna e Companhia. Argentina in Depression and War, The Controversy over Capitalism: Studies in the Social Philosophy of the Russian Populists. Zeletin, Stefan [pseud, for Stefan Motas] Origina si rolul ei istoric. As Dean notes, it is remarkable that Brazil, a country of continental proportions, should become dependent on a single crop, coffee, for three-fourths its export earnings in the latter 's Though these reforms were intended to bring the sons of workers and peasants the benefits of higher education, in fact they only opened the lecture halls to the middle classes.
The bottleneck of secondary education, dominated by private schools, remained the insuperable barrier for the children of the lower classes. Over time, especially in those countries where the universities, like other institutions, were weak such as Cuba and Peru , the professional student appeared. But prior to I do not wish to exaggerate the difference between Romania and Latin America in this regard; the two Romanians who receive the most attention below, Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Mihail Manoilescu, did not hold doctorates.
But they debated men who did, which fact surely affected the level of discourse. Written in , one year before the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution, his book was legalistic in approach, and his denunciations of the latifundium included the evils of absenteeism and low productivity decried by the eighteenth-century Sapnish philosopbe Gaspar Jovellanos, whom Molina cites.
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Molina displays an ambivalence toward foreign capital, and sees it as less sinister than the creole faction those descended from "pure" Spaniards. Molina did so because he believed the regime was appropriate for Mexico given its state of evolution at the time, despite the fact that much of the concentration of property had occured through Diaz's efforts to alienate public lands and village commons Spencer's long-term influence, however, given his strong emphasis on individualism and hostility to the state, was probably less important than that of Comte, whose values were more in tune with the Latin American ethos.
Personal communication from Charles A. This fact owed, in part, to the phenomenon of non-capitalist ground rent and the peasant's willingness to engage in superexploitation of his own and his family's labor. Publishing in , the same year as Lenin's The Development of Capitalism in Russia appeared, Kautsky believed the vast majority of German peasants were already proletarians or semiproletarians selling labor power.
Maiorescu, who had studied at Berlin, Paris, and Giessen, held a doctorate from the University of Vienna. The Junimea argued that Romania had not attained a state of development corresponding to its adoption of Western institutions, and that the failed revolution of against the Turkish Empire had not been the result of real aspirations of the country. Maiorescu was deeply influenced by Hegel on the evolution of culture, and, like the German philosopher, believed that institutions such as the state could not change the organic "base," i.
Racovski's similar analysis in " Chestia Agrara: Probleme si Soluti" Ohlin criticized Manoilescu's assumptions. Why should the average productivity of all national industries be considered representative of that of the export industries? What justified the assumption that the price level of factors is everywhere equal, when it was known that money wages in the United States were more than ten times higher than in Romania? Why did Manoilescu only consider labor productivity in his calculations, and ignore capital and land? Ohlin's "fundamental criticism" was that, in addition to assuming factors of production can move from activities with low productivities to those with high productivities, Manoilescu also assumed that protection causes the transfer.
But why, Ohlin asked, did this transfer not occur without protection, since price signals should favor the industries with higher productivities Viner made similiar criticisms in his review of Manoilescu's book In our own day some German language classics are available in Spanish, but not English; still others appeared in Spanish before their publication in English. He considered Marx's theory of surplus value "an ingenious allegory" quoted in Ratzer, An unintended byproduct of this exchange policy was a degree of protection for national manufactures, but this effect was partly offset by higher costs of capital imports.
Drake for bringing this work to my attention. Paulo,8 March Aranha quotation. Interestingly, the artificiality charge came from the left as well. It was necessary to create such a market through the redistribution of wealth before industry could thrive, he believed