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Visibilia could not miss this appointment and it was protagonist with the screening of films from the twelwe editions of the Immaginaria International Lesbian Flm Festival and the crowded debate on the film "Viola di mare" hosting Valeria Solarino and Pina Mandolfo. On the 25th of November at 7 and 8 p.
Here there are the confirmed dates: Centro Sociale Magazzino 47, Via Industriale Sala Espace - Via Mantova, 38 - http: Libreria delle Donne - Via Pietro Calvi 29 - http: We have big economical troubles: The speech "Rebels, lesbians, eccentrics. Amazon Giveaway allows you to run promotional giveaways in order to create buzz, reward your audience, and attract new followers and customers. Learn more about Amazon Giveaway. Visioni Lesbiche Italian Edition. Set up a giveaway.
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Yes, it has changed, but one must realize which forms of association we are inheriting: In our society, individual rights are the basis of the Constitution, not the rights of the couple. Basing rights on marriage means going back in time 22 Returning to Italy in the s, we find the years in which we perceive at least from mainstream sources that the legislation of gay marriage became the desire and goal of all of the LGBTIQ subjectivities.
She pointed out that the subject had been addressed in sphere of civil liberties and general social changes, rather than coming directly from lesbian desires. On a practical level, however, Arci Gay had developed the legal tools. The mainstream press, in any case, tied the desire for weddings and motherhood to the lesbian meeting without any nuances. Again, what is outside of the heterosexual order, Wittig would say, cannot be thought or said.
In November of the same year there was another national meeting of Arci Gay Donna, in Florence, organized by the local association, that is, the new generation on the move that had met in Verona. The Florentine gay and lesbian group, had used the name Arci Gay — Arci Gay Donna since its inception as part of the occupation of the Pantera. Therefore, also creating a division between: And the same principle of rights and family duties?
And if I preferred to go to the funeral of a friend rather than that of my father, would I be entitled to leave work?
Audre Lorde’s Year in Italy / L’ anno di Audre Lorde in Italia
And if I do not live with my lover, are we considered a couple? And if I have numerous lovers, which one is entitled to my dental insurance, for example, all of them? She expressed the same concerns regarding the reductio ad unum , of lesbian relationships to the heterosexual model. The family keeps its members connected through an invisible social contract — the political regime of heterosexuality — founded on the need for different sexes.
It is not specified that we are dealing with a patriarchal model, which is routed in a male model of inheritance, the power of the father and implies a heterosexual monogamous and permanent marriage. It does not consider diversity. At the peak of its democratic expression it invented equality, namely the reduction of differences to one [the white male middle-class heterosexual]. This movement that has a contact person in the institutions and aims at changing the law, but also moves from the assumption that rights are privileges if they are not universal.
We can deduce that the privileges reserved for married couples, even if they were extended to registered same-sex couples, would remain privileges because those who make other life choices would still be excluded. The necessity to refute the family-centred mentality is therefore re-affirmed. On numerous occasions these lesbian paths crossed, albeit distant in time and space.
Marriage, even if could be used to make the existence of lesbians visible, helps hide other relationships such as support networks. If marriage grants certain social conditions to married people, marriage becomes an obligation in order to take advantage of these social arrangements.
This is not a neutral choice in the moment that this membership, for example, is connected to the access of social assistance for those without a job, or the sponsorship of a migrant person for a residence permit. For Charest, the answer begins with the observation that this choice is essentially an objective thought of and claimed by gay men. The Florentine proposal in , in substance and tone, is located in an articulated lesbian reflection.
The idea is, in fact, to remove certain rights from the couple and render them available to the individual. In addition, some specific rights would need to be universalized, derived from a system that is still based on permanent employment and complex social status, that were traditional reserved for members of institutionalized couples such as: In addition, in the opposite direction, only those with dependents or who is disabled or ill would have higher public ranking, deleting administrative rules such as those of spouse reunification.
Even the press reports on the conference indicated some part of the change. After Florence, therefore, the regulation of same-sex couples remained the primary goal and to this day of the overall movement.
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Yet, the lesbian component began to criticise the family institution, to analyze domestic violence, to see family values as negative values to be destroyed, and the concepts of resistance to the standardization and appreciation of diversity were re-introduced. The following years would profoundly modify the national association Arci Gay, as well as the context in which the LGBT movement worked. On July 2, around ten thousand people marched in Rome.
At an institutional level, as early as December , a group of left-wing representatives has submitted the bill Provisions for Civil Unions 60 to the House of Representatives, drafted at the legal centre of Arcigay Naples. It called on the Member States to erase any difference in treatment between heterosexuals and homosexuals, to campaign against prejudice and violence, to remove any discriminatory laws.
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Yet the Italian media almost exclusively emphasized the invitation from the European Parliament to the Member States to allow marriage or similar institutions between people of the same sex, as well as the adoption of children. Pope Wojtyla devoted part of his speech to the crowd gathered in St. Among the salient passages:. What is morally unacceptable is the legal approval of homosexual practice […. Individual rights must be reconciled with the general interest of the community.
Behind him the bishops, cardinals and theologians were let loose. The substance of the condemnation was always the same: It becomes a widespread and popular debate. On one side the Catholic church and the right-wing, on the other the LGBT movement with the often lukewarm support of the parliamentary left. And in this context, the debate within the LGBT movement disappeared. The positions that were critical of the proposed institutionalization of same-sex couples were obscured, while within the movement these voices were often accused of playing into the hands of the enemies of lesbians and gay men.