The Czech Republic, as an independent state, became a member of the United Nations on 19 January and has continued its enforcement of obligations arising from conventions obligatory for the Czechoslovak Republic, including the protection of human rights. Domestic violence encompasses violence between partners- current or former, in married or unmarried cohabitation National Action Plan for the Prevention of Domestic Violence. Domestic violence against women is considered a serious problem and international law regulations, adopted by the Czech Republic, have declared it unacceptable.
Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic , Interior ministry statistics indicate that in the first eight months of there were reported cases of domestic violence and of those cases were prosecuted U. Department of State Human Rights Report: The Plan proposes measures for improvement in many areas including, but not limited to, supporting persons endangered by domestic violence, working with violent persons, society and domestic violence, and legislation.
The Czech Republic adopted domestic violence legislation Act. The Criminal Code was amended in to include Section a, the crime of abuse of a person living in the same residence. Police have received some training in working with domestic violence cases, and under the Act Law on Police No. According to the U. Department of State Country Reports, in the Czech Republic, domestic violence offenders may face up to three years in prison, with increased sentences for aggravated assaults U. They established a Coordinated Circle for prevention of violence against women.
In Rosa organized a campaign of ten NGOs called the Campaign against Domestic Violence against Women, which aimed to inform about domestic violence through media. The Czech Government has been interested in gender equality since when it began to assert the Beijing platform of action. Gender equality is ensured by the Constitution of the Czech Republic.
A large number of laws prohibiting gender discrimination arise from the Constitution e. Labour law, which prohibits any discrimination based on gender. Men and women have equal rights in family and property. According to Eurostat data for the second quarter of , women were employed at a rate of Certain practices other than sexual intercourse by perpetrators are also considered rape.
The aim of updating the Criminal Code was to supersede an unacceptable advantage of perpetrators who commit rape in a way other than sexual intercourse, and to prosecute rape regardless the sex of the victim. Rape is punishable by sentences of two to 15 years in prison U. Sexual harassment is behavior which the victim feels is annoying and obtrusive.
This definition of sexual harassment was enacted by the Czech legislature in Labour law No. According to research led by the Gender and Sociology team of the Sociological Institute of the Czech Academy of Science , with support of the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs , sexual harassment of women occurs most frequently from co-workers with a marked use of power. Fundamental changes effected by this new law are the legal regulation of the term of sexual harassment and taking into account this type of discrimination in labor-law relationships.
In Czech society, sexual harassment is often perceived as an overestimated problem which occurs in private relationships between individuals rather than in the public sphere. Men who were superior to women in the ranks of employment were usually the initiators of sexual harassment. In these cases, the sexual harassment included: Trafficking in persons is considered a serious violation of the human rights of victims. It affects human dignity, freedom of movement, the right of privacy and self-determination and contradicts principles stated in all significant international documents concerning human rights.
The Czech Republic was originally a source country but it has been changed to a transit and destination country for victims of trafficking in persons. The main condition for the existence of the sexual industry is trafficking in persons. An amendatory act, Criminal Code No. According to this act, culpability was expanded to slavery, servitude, forced labour and other forms of exploitation.
The Czech Republic does not meet European Union minimum standards for elimination and prevention of trafficking, but it is working toward better and more comprehensive trafficking laws US Government Trafficking in Persons Report. Although Stop Violence Against Women endeavors to provide useful and accurate information, Stop Violence Against Women does not warrant the accuracy of the materials provided.
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Approaches to and Remedies under Sexual Harassment Law. Guidelines for Drafting Sexual Harassment Laws. Two factors enabled participants to move from the stage of grappling to the stage of figuring out. The first factor was a message from at least one person that the CSA they experienced was wrong and they were not to blame. These affirming messages were given by family members, friends, teachers, or clinicians.
In some cases, the messages came from talk shows, public service announcements, or classroom discussions. Often, the messages had come many years after the abuse has ended. Participants did not always immediately embrace these messages, but the messages provoked reconsideration of long-held assumptions about the abuse -especially self-blame. The other factor that enabled movement to the figuring out stage was a sense of personal agency. Participants began to figure out the abuse because they decided they had the capacity to confront it without being destroyed.
Yet, their troubles were often interspersed with positive experiences and burgeoning accomplishments, including academic or occupational achievements, the forming of positive interpersonal relationships, a period of sobriety, or a change in health-behaviors e. While some of these experiences were tenuous or short-lived, they demonstrated to the participants that they could make positive changes in their lives. As participants began to figure out the meaning of their CSA, they became more concerned about not passing abuse on to their children.
Because they were still figuring out the CSA, however, they had not yet garnered the resources necessary to effectively prevent their children from experiencing abuse or maltreatment. Some used harsh punishment, found out their child had been molested, or were powerless to stop a partner from abusing their children. Yet, they experienced a strong desire to do what they could be protective parents. In fact, discussing the abuse with others was the main process by which participants figured out the abuse. These discussions most often occurred with a mental health clinician, but also occurred with family members and friends as well.
Discussions with others helped participants arrive at an understanding of the abuse that was more complex and multidimensional. In the figuring out stage, some participants relied on spiritual connections to guide their healing. Many experienced a sense of spiritual connection to a divinity, although it was often tenuous Knapik et al. As they tried to figure out the meaning of the CSA, for example, some participants prayed to God for answers to their question whereas others questioned why God allowed the abuse to happen.
During this stage, some participants enlisted the support of clergy or fellow worshippers to help them in the healing process. In this stage, as participants began to obtain an understanding of the dynamics of their abuse, especially the fact that they were not to blame, they often became concerned about others who continued to be abused or maltreated and thought about ways to help them Stidham, While many participants in this stage experienced a desire to help others, they seldom engaged in altruistic acts because they were still figuring things out and continued to struggle with their own life problems.
A year-old Caucasian woman, who was molested by a family acquaintance at age 4 and by her father at age 8, was in the figuring out stage. Her husband sexually, physically and emotionally abused her for sixteen years. At the time of the interview, she had left her husband and was taking computer classes but remained unemployed and continued to struggle with several mental health issues living a troubled life, with some positive experiences.
Despite years of abuse, she was in the process of figuring out the CSA and the abuse she had experienced by her husband. She had wanted to protect her son, who had autism, from abuse by her husband wishing to stop the abuse cycle. Because her son mimicked her moods, she hid her feelings so he would not become upset. Yet, her husband at one point had beaten and bitten her son. At the time of the interview, she was seeing a counselor every week: Once they figured out the meaning of the CSA, some participants engaged in a variety of processes to mitigate its long-term negative outcomes.
These activities occurred in the stage of tackling the effects referred to the tackling stage. In this stage, they sought psychological, psychiatric, or substance abuse treatment; ended abusive relationships; improved their physical health; made changes in their interpersonal relationships and sexual lives; and sought new occupational or educational opportunities. This phase was often long, arduous, and taxing. Two factors enabled participants to move from the figuring out stage to the tackling stage. One was on-going support from others.
Isolated, affirming messages were not enough; participants needed others, such as family, friends, or professional helpers, to be available during difficult times. Personal resolve was also required to move into the tackling stage. Participants needed to call on their inner strength and resilience in order to tackle the effects of the CSA.
In this stage, participants engaged in new life patterns that included a mix of troubles and successes. Their adult lives became more stable, healthier, and fulfilling. In the prior stage, accomplishments were infrequent and tenuous; in this stage, they were common and enduring.
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In the prior stage, they verbalized the intent to be better parents; in this stage, they made discernible attempts to be more nurturing and protective. They alerted their children to potential abuse situations, kept them away from family members who were abusive, and invited them to discuss concerns they have about abuse. For most participants, however, becoming better parents was clearly a salient concern as they tackled the effects of CSA.
Each time they discussed their CSA with supportive others, they became more certain it was abuse, was not their fault, and no longer had to determine their life course. They also shared such wisdom with others who were abused, most often to convince them that they were not to blame and can heal. In the tackling stage, a number of participants experienced a dynamic and directed spiritual process that facilitated their healing; they describe this as a spiritual journey Knapik et al. Some experienced the presence of a divine being who accompanied and sustained them as they engaged in difficult recovery processes.
Others experienced a sense of spiritual awakening that was integral to their healing. Some believed that healing involved overcoming the trials and tribulations that God provided for them in order to make them stronger. Participants in the tackling stage showed compassion to those who were abused, maltreated, or disadvantaged Stidham, Instead of expressing general sympathy and concern for those who suffered, they provided support and encouragement to them.
They believed that because they had been abused and experienced some healing, they could help others better than those who have never experienced abuse. Many planned to become involved in altruistic activities, such as joining victims' organization or speaking of their abuse in public.
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A year-old African-American woman, who had been sexually abused throughout much of childhood by an uncle, brother, and grandfather, was in the tackling phase. She was raised by her grandmother because her mother worked as a prostitute and her father had schizophrenia. She described a troubled life pattern throughout much of her adulthood. She was diagnosed with bipolar disorder but avoided psychiatrists. She always felt like a bad person and lamented the fact that she never married. She established a successful business, but lost it when she became addicted to crack cocaine.
As a child, there was no one to whom she could disclose the abuse because her family life was so troubled. Spirituality was an integral part of her healing. She asked God to provide direction in her life: I needed to ask for direction, why has my life been like this? Some participants asserted their right to conduct their lives in ways they saw fit and, in some instances, to seek justice from those who hurt them. These participants had reached the stage of laying claim to one's life referred to as the laying claim stage. They embraced the belief that overcoming the effects of the CSA rendered them capable of determining the course of their lives and making a difference in the world.
They had moved through the first three stages of healing and felt empowered to live healthy and fulfilled lives. Two factors enabled participants to move from tackling to laying claim. One was the experience of a critical life event that served as a major life turning point. The events were either very positive, such as a spiritual awakening or a major life accomplishment, or very negative, such as a devastating loss or a particularly severe episode of violence.
Either way, such events spurred participants to make drastic changes in their lives. In addition, they made a commitment to transcend the CSA rather than just recover from it. They were determined to ensure that something good came from the CSA - either for themselves or for others. As participants laid claim to their lives, they embraced a life pattern that they experienced as empowered. They led lives that were markedly different from those of their families-of-origin.
While they continued to face daily challenges, they took control of their own life patterns. While some of their children had been abused in the past, participants in this stage were committed to protecting their children. They provided reasoned advice to them about staying safe, refused to expose them to abusive family members, and taught them to be assertive and self-confident. If their children were grown, participants in this stage often did these things for other children in their families. They gave speeches to youth groups, told their stories in the media, and shared their successes in treatment facilities.
Their disclosures often became proclamations. Some participants in this stage experienced a meaningful spiritual transformation as a result of healing from the CSA Knapik et al. They experienced a strong sense of divine intervention and considered their healing to be miraculous. Some believed that healing from CSA redeemed them from past sins. Others were inspired by their healing because it allowed them to know God in a special way and to pass on their spiritual gifts to others.
During this stage, participants engaged in a variety of altruistic activities. As they laid claim to their own lives, they were strongly committed to improving the lives of others. They became involved in advocacy and volunteer activities e. They chose helping professions in order to make a difference in the lives of those who abused, oppressed, or disadvantaged.
As discussed above, they often spoke publicly about their abuse. A year-old African-American man, who was sexually molested beginning at age 14 by an uncle who was a pastor at a large parish, was in the laying claim stage. He suffered with depression and was very ill for many years. He was no longer sexually active and regularly attended support groups for HIV.
He experienced one decisive event that changed the direction of his life. I returned to work.
Literature
I put it on him. I am fine now. As a young adult, he revealed the molestation at a large family gathering and was devastated when some family members denied his claim that his uncle had molested him. Later, however, he was encouraged when one cousin contacted him and stated that she believed him. He felt it was important to address the hypocrisy of the church and prevent other boys from experiencing what he had disclosing the abuse to help others. Because the CSA happened with a minister, it affected his spirituality for many years. However, his spirituality was important to his healing.
As described above, the critical event that opened the way for him to lay claim to his life was a spiritual awakening. This participant was involved in a number of benevolent activities; he worked at several community organizations, made speeches for a national HIV group, and helped senior citizens in his neighborhood do their taxes engaging in altruism. As he was ending the interview, he reinforced that he had laid claimed to his life.
He revealed that he had irreversible neuropathy but chose not to let that keep him down: Other times I dance. If you would see me out at parties and stuff, you would say that man ain't got no problems…. The theoretical model presented here represents the complexity of healing from CSA. The analysis of the narratives of the 95 adults who experienced CSA suggests that there are four stages through which healing may occur — from grappling with the meaning of the CSA to laying claim to one's life.
Obtaining an increasingly complex understanding of the dynamics of CSA was foundational to the process of healing. They participants came to understand not only that the CSA was not their fault, but that if occurred because of disturbances of the perpetrator, the dysfunction of their families, and the ills of society. Factors that enabled movement from one stage to the next involved person factors e.
Movement to the final stage — laying claim to one's life — followed a critical life event. Healing was associated with living a satisfying life, stopping the cycle of abuse, and disclosing the abuse to help others. For some, it included experiencing a spiritual transformation and engaging in altruism. The findings must be understood in the context of several study limitations.
The sample included primarily adults who had experienced severe CSA in the context of highly dysfunctional families and went on to endure much victimization and adversity throughout their lives. Thus, the model does not represent healing from CSA that was less severe, brief, and occurred in the context of healthy, supportive families. Yet, because the model was based on the narratives of adults who experienced chronic trauma, multiple co-morbidities, and enduring life stress, it is applicable to many CSA survivors who seek therapy and who have complex treatment needs.
There were several limitations related to the socio-demographic makeup of the sample. The overall income level of the participants was low and the model may not reflect the healing of individuals with more economic resources. In addition, participants were primarily Caucasian and African American and most espoused Judeo-Christian beliefs. The model, therefore, would not reflect the experiences of individuals who are from non-Western cultures or who are agnostic or atheist.
In addition, the participants' narratives were retrospective. Their memories of events, many of which occurred many years in the past, could have been distorted or diminished. We nonetheless believe that their presentation of their life stories provided rich data that help us understand their healing experiences. The CSA Healing Model is a stage model that suggests that healing is a dynamic and progressive trajectory that involves four processes that build upon one another.
However, we do not wish to imply that all individuals move sequentially from stage to stage in an orderly and predictable manner. To the contrary, many our participants experienced elements of two stages simultaneously, passed over stages, or returned to earlier stages. While we identified factors that frequently facilitated movement by participants from one stage to the next, we recognize that there are likely to be other factors that facilitate or impede healing that we did not identify. Similarly, while all the participants in our sample who reached the stage of laying claim had experienced a critical event, we recognize that individuals may well reach this culminating stage in a more gradual fashion.
Whereas some older participants were able to provide data related to their experiences going through several stages, many participants, especially young adults, were in the early stages of healing. Thus, the model serves as an heuristic that depicts a theoretical depiction for how healing happened in our group of participants. Our findings are consistent with much prior research on healing from CSA. Our model, for example, incorporates many tenets of post-traumatic growth theory and positive psychology, particularly the human tendency to create accounts of difficult life experiences as a way to heal Neimeyer, Despite the fact that our sample of adults had experienced severe adversity across their lifespans, their narratives provided a robust description of both healing from and transcending CSA.
The findings also support prior research that has suggested disclosure, rather than always being beneficial, is an evolving and complex phenomenon Ullman, ; Ullman, Foynes, Shin Shin Tang, This complexity is evidenced in a recent study of adults who were sexually abused as children.
The findings revealed that those participants who told someone about the abuse at the time it occurred experienced more mental health symptoms as adults. A greater number of mental health symptoms was also related to whether that person told someone else without the child's permission. The model has utility for clinicians who work with survivors of CSA. By determining a client's current stage of healing, a clinician would be alerted to the therapeutic work facing the client in a variety of domains and to the enabling factors that might facilitate movement to the next stage.
The findings indicate, for example, that a client who is in the grappling stage needs both affirming messages and some sense of agency to move on, whereas the client who is in figuring out stage needs to have on-going support and a strong sense of personal resolve to begin to tackle the effects of the CSA. The model might also broaden clinicians' perspectives with regard to the variety of domains in which healing occurs and, therefore, in which clinicians can facilitate progress.
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The changes in life patterns that accompanied healing, for example, suggest that clinicians should consider a broad range of experiences that signal healing and be particular vigilant to small life successes that might represent significant therapeutic gains. Underpinning changes in life patterns was a developing sense of empowerment. Because parenting was of great concern to most participants, it should routinely be addressed as a therapeutic issue.
The model suggests that parenting should not be considered a dichotomous factor — that is, one either abuses or one nurtures one's children. Rather, the processes of wishing to stop the cycle of abuse and attempting to stop the cycle of abuse were critical steps that need to be acknowledged and fostered.
Clinicians should also have an understanding of the dynamic and nuanced processes by which disclosure occurs over the lifespan. Here also, disclosure is not a dichotomous factor - that is, one tells of the abuse or keeps it secret - but a process that changes and evolves over the lifespan. Disclosure is heavily influenced by the responses of others, including clinicians, and is intimately related to how one incorporates the abuse into one's life narrative.
Clinicians, therefore, should not merely ask clients if they have told anyone of their abuse, but should discuss experiences of disclosure at multiple points throughout their lifespan, obtain an in-depth description how others responded, and explore how discussing the abuse shaped clients' understanding of it. The model also suggests that other issues, such as spirituality and altruism, which are often not the focus of trauma treatment, should be discussed if they are important to clients.
Further research might include a longitudinal prospective study to validate the stages and factors that enable transitions.
Such as study would also allow a contemporaneous rather than retrospective exploration of the nuances of the transitions from stage to stage. We also suggest further research on gender and ethnic differences in healing from CSA. Minor differences between men and women and African Americans and Caucasians were found in the component projects, but were obscured in this model due to its level of abstraction. The model does not focus on discrete variables associated with positive or negative coping but rather captures some complex healing processes that culminate in the experience of laying claim to one's life.
The qualitative synthesis procedures used to combine elements of the five existing frameworks and to further examine and integrate participant narratives allowed for an analytic product that was more comprehensive than any of the existing frameworks. The model indicates that clinicians should focus on how clients might move from grappling with the meaning of the CSA, to figuring out its meaning, to tacking its effects, and ultimately, to laying claim to their lives and should be ready to discuss healing in any one of several domains.
National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. J Child Sex Abus. Author manuscript; available in PMC Mar Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract Childhood sexual abuse CSA is a prevalent social and healthcare problem. Long-term Effects In women, sexual abuse is associated with poor health status, functional disability, high utilization of health services, and a variety of physical problems, including headache and gynecological and gastrointestinal symptoms Leserman, Coping with Long-term Effects The coping of adults who experienced CSA is often studied by identifying specific types of coping associated with negative or positive health outcomes.
The Present Study A model of healing from CSA that considers the context of the abuse, addresses the complexities and dynamic nature of healing, and places the CSA in a life course perspective is needed. The Sexual Violence Study The specific aim of the broader Sexual Violence Study was to develop a theoretical framework to describe, explain, and predict women's and men's responses to sexual violence throughout their lives.
Data were drawn from interviews with 60 female and 46 male survivors of sexual violence who described significant adversity in their families of origin. Grounded theory methods were used and data were analyzed using the constant comparison method. The framework includes three life patterns and three parenting processes associated with the legacy.
Life Patterns influenced by those who challenge or affirm the legacy Being Stuck in the Legacy living with abuse and chaos. Parenting Processes Passing on the Legacy passing abuse on to children. Taking a Stab at Leaving a New Legacy making sincere, but ineffective, attempts to protect children from abuse. The purpose of this framework is to depict the process by which CSA influences the sexuality of women and men survivors.
Data were drawn from interview transcripts of 95 men and women who experienced CSA. To answer these questions, the participants engaged in four processes: The purpose of this theoretical framework is to explain how survivors of childhood sexual abuse CSA tell others about their abuse experiences.
Data were drawn from open-ended interviews conducted with 74 individuals who experienced ongoing CSA by a family member or close acquaintance. Grounded theory methods were used to develop the framework. The psychosocial problem shared by the participants is that CSA both demands and defies explanation. The Story-Not-Yet-Told private storying of the abuse at the time it happens. Coming Out With The Story: The Story-First-Told revealing the abuse for the first time either as a child or as an adult. The Story-As-Secret keeping the abuse a secret due to a negative response to one's coming out with the story.
The Story-As-Account telling the abuse to supportive others after a positive response to one's coming out with the story and incorporating the perspectives of others in the way one stories the abuse. The Story-As-Message sharing one's story of abuse for the purpose of helping others. The purpose of this theoretical framework is to explain how survivors of sexual violence use spirituality to respond to, or recover from, sexual violence.
Data were drawn from open-ended interviews of 27 women and 23 men who had experienced sexual violence. Spiritual Transformation experiencing a profound sense of divine intervention that is lasting and permanent. The purpose of this framework was to describe the ways in which survivors of sexual violence engaged in altruism in response to their experiences with violence. Individuals engaged in helping others in a variety of ways. Open in a separate window. Spirituality While in the grappling stage, most participants did not experience a comforting or meaningful spiritual connection that facilitated their healing Knapik et al.
Altruism Participants in the grappling stage did not often engage in altruism. Exemplar A year-old African-American woman, who was sexually abused as a child and raped as an adolescent, was in the grappling stage. Enabling factors Two factors enabled participants to move from the stage of grappling to the stage of figuring out.
Parenting As participants began to figure out the meaning of their CSA, they became more concerned about not passing abuse on to their children. Spirituality In the figuring out stage, some participants relied on spiritual connections to guide their healing. Altruism In this stage, as participants began to obtain an understanding of the dynamics of their abuse, especially the fact that they were not to blame, they often became concerned about others who continued to be abused or maltreated and thought about ways to help them Stidham, Exemplar A year-old Caucasian woman, who was molested by a family acquaintance at age 4 and by her father at age 8, was in the figuring out stage.
Tackling the Effects of CSA Once they figured out the meaning of the CSA, some participants engaged in a variety of processes to mitigate its long-term negative outcomes. Enabling factors Two factors enabled participants to move from the figuring out stage to the tackling stage. Life patterns In this stage, participants engaged in new life patterns that included a mix of troubles and successes. Spirituality In the tackling stage, a number of participants experienced a dynamic and directed spiritual process that facilitated their healing; they describe this as a spiritual journey Knapik et al.
Altruism Participants in the tackling stage showed compassion to those who were abused, maltreated, or disadvantaged Stidham, Exemplar A year-old African-American woman, who had been sexually abused throughout much of childhood by an uncle, brother, and grandfather, was in the tackling phase. Laying Claim to One's Life Some participants asserted their right to conduct their lives in ways they saw fit and, in some instances, to seek justice from those who hurt them. Enabling factors Two factors enabled participants to move from tackling to laying claim. Life patterns As participants laid claim to their lives, they embraced a life pattern that they experienced as empowered.
Spirituality Some participants in this stage experienced a meaningful spiritual transformation as a result of healing from the CSA Knapik et al. Altruism During this stage, participants engaged in a variety of altruistic activities.
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Exemplar A year-old African-American man, who was sexually molested beginning at age 14 by an uncle who was a pastor at a large parish, was in the laying claim stage. Discussion The theoretical model presented here represents the complexity of healing from CSA. Study Limitations The findings must be understood in the context of several study limitations. Future Research Further research might include a longitudinal prospective study to validate the stages and factors that enable transitions. The long-term mental health consequences of child sexual abuse: An exploratory study of the impact of multiple traumas in a sample of women.
Journal of Traumatic Stress. Prevalence and characteristics of sexual violence victimization among U.