Few of his acquaintances know of his work with the Agency and see him mainly as a jet-setting playboy, a fact he does nothing to change as it provides good cover no matter where he travels. Linge remains a bachelor though he has an ongoing relationship with a Baroness, later becoming engaged, in a nearby town.
This does not stop him from enjoying the favors of numerous other women during his adventures, at least until his engagement. Though he is an excellent marksman, or perhaps because of it, Malko does not go in for heavy armament but instead relies on a very small handgun which is easy to conceal, especially since he always has his suits tailored-made, adjusting for the weapon.
Being so cosmopolitan, Malko speaks many languages, several of them fluently. His memory, while not photographic, is nevertheless excellent and has helped keep him alive on more than a few occasions. The author, Gerard de Villiers, has told how in , a friend in the French publishing business talked about the brewing success of James Bond, this just shortly after Ian Fleming had passed away.
He thought about the possibility of creating his own series and soon came up with Prince Malko Linge. Since that start of the series, de Villiers has produced on average 3 to 4 episodes each year. According to information on the Internet, each new adventure sells at least , copies, making a fairly decent living for the writer. These stories, written in French and translated to other languages in Europe, continue to this day. A complete list of the French titles is given below.
They were, unfortunately, published in no particular order, which did add to some confusion to the readers. La Traque Bin Laden: Saving Kabul, part 1? Saving Kabul, part 2? Translations are always a gamble as it is next to impossible to reproduce the feelings the author intended in the original. Nevertheless, the job done by the various translators, largely one Lowell Bair, is a quite good one.
The French Emergency National Survey: A description of emergency departments and patients in France
As will all things French, the lead character is better than everyone else and quite full of himself even though he is an Austrian, he is written by a Frenchman. He loves better, shoots better, fights better hah! Frantz Fanon , a psychiatrist from Martinique who became the FLN's leading political theorist, provided a sophisticated intellectual justification for the use of violence in achieving national liberation.
As the FLN campaign of influence spread through the countryside, many European farmers in the interior called Pieds-Noirs , many of whom lived on lands taken from Muslim communities during the nineteenth century, [43] sold their holdings and sought refuge in Algiers and other Algerian cities.
After a series of bloody, random massacres and bombings by Muslim Algerians in several towns and cities, the French Pieds-Noirs and urban French population began to demand that the French government engage in sterner countermeasures, including the proclamation of a state of emergency, capital punishment for political crimes, denunciation of all separatists, and most ominously, a call for 'tit-for-tat' reprisal operations by police, military, and para-military forces.
Colon vigilante units, whose unauthorized activities were conducted with the passive cooperation of police authorities, carried out ratonnades literally, rat-hunts , raton being a racist term for denigrating Muslim Algerians against suspected FLN members of the Muslim community. By , effective political action groups within the Algerian colonial community succeeded in convincing many of the Governors General sent by Paris that the military was not the way to resolve the conflict.
A major success was the conversion of Jacques Soustelle , who went to Algeria as governor general in January determined to restore peace. Soustelle, a one-time leftist and by an ardent Gaullist, began an ambitious reform program the Soustelle Plan aimed at improving economic conditions among the Muslim population. The FLN adopted tactics similar to those of nationalist groups in Asia, and the French did not realize the seriousness of the challenge they faced until , when the FLN moved into urbanized areas.
Before this operation, FLN policy was to attack only military and government-related targets. The killing by the FLN and its supporters of people, including 71 French, [44] including old women and babies, shocked Jacques Soustelle into calling for more repressive measures against the rebels. The French authorities stated that 1, guerrillas died in what Soustelle admitted were "severe" reprisals.
The FLN subsequently claimed that 12, Muslims were killed. In , demonstrations by French Algerians caused the French government to not make reforms. Lacoste saw the assembly, which was dominated by pieds-noirs , as hindering the work of his administration, and he undertook the rule of Algeria by decree. He favored stepping up French military operations and granted the army exceptional police powers—a concession of dubious legality under French law—to deal with the mounting political violence. At the same time, Lacoste proposed a new administrative structure to give Algeria some autonomy and a decentralized government.
Whilst remaining an integral part of France, Algeria was to be divided into five districts, each of which would have a territorial assembly elected from a single slate of candidates. Until , deputies representing Algerian districts were able to delay the passage of the measure by the National Assembly of France.
In August and September , the leadership of the FLN guerrillas operating within Algeria popularly known as "internals" met to organize a formal policy-making body to synchronize the movement's political and military activities. The leadership of the regular FLN forces based in Tunisia and Morocco "externals" , including Ben Bella, knew the conference was taking place but by chance or design on the part of the "internals" were unable to attend.
Lacoste had the FLN external political leaders arrested and imprisoned for the duration of the war. This action caused the remaining rebel leaders to harden their stance. France opposed Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser 's material and political assistance to the FLN, which some French analysts believed was the revolution's main sustenance. This attitude was a factor in persuading France to participate in the November British attempt to seize the Suez Canal during the Suez Crisis. During , support for the FLN weakened as the breach between the internals and externals widened.
To halt the drift, the FLN expanded its executive committee to include Abbas, as well as imprisoned political leaders such as Ben Bella. It also convinced communist and Arab members of the United Nations UN to put diplomatic pressure on the French government to negotiate a cease-fire. In , it become common knowledge in France that the French Army was routinely using torture to extract information from suspected FLN members.
Existentialist writer, philosopher and playwright Albert Camus , native of Algiers, tried unsuccessfully to persuade both sides to at least leave civilians alone, writing editorials against the use of torture in Combat newspaper. Nevertheless, in his speech when he received the Nobel Prize for Literature, Camus said that when faced with a radical choice he would eventually support his community. This statement made him lose his status among left-wing intellectuals; when he died in in a car crash, the official thesis of an ordinary accident a quick open-and-shut case left more than a few observers doubtful.
His widow claimed that Camus, though discreet, was in fact an ardent supporter of French Algeria in the last years of his life. To increase international and domestic French attention to their struggle, the FLN decided to bring the conflict to the cities and to call a nationwide general strike and also to plant bombs in public places. The most notable instance was the Battle of Algiers, which began on September 30, , when three women, including Djamila Bouhired and Zohra Drif , simultaneously placed bombs at three sites including the downtown office of Air France.
The FLN carried out shootings and bombings in the spring of , resulting in civilian casualties and a crushing response from the authorities. General Jacques Massu was instructed to use whatever methods deemed necessary to restore order in the city and to find and eliminate terrorists. Using paratroopers, he broke the strike and, in the succeeding months, destroyed the FLN infrastructure in Algiers. But the FLN had succeeded in showing its ability to strike at the heart of French Algeria and to assemble a mass response to its demands among urban Muslims. The publicity given to the brutal methods used by the army to win the Battle of Algiers, including the use of torture, strong movement control and curfew called quadrillage and where all authority was under the military, created doubt in France about its role in Algeria.
What was originally " pacification " or a "public order operation" had turned into a colonial war accompanied by torture. During and , the FLN successfully applied hit-and-run tactics in accordance with guerrilla warfare theory. Whilst some of this was aimed at military targets, a significant amount was invested in a terror campaign against those in any way deemed to support or encourage French authority. This resulted in acts of sadistic torture and brutal violence against all, including women and children. Specializing in ambushes and night raids and avoiding direct contact with superior French firepower, the internal forces targeted army patrols, military encampments, police posts, and colonial farms, mines, and factories, as well as transportation and communications facilities.
Once an engagement was broken off, the guerrillas merged with the population in the countryside, in accordance with Mao's theories. Kidnapping was commonplace, as were the ritual murder and mutilation of civilians [46] [ dubious — discuss ] see Torture section. Although successfully provoking fear and uncertainty within both communities in Algeria, the revolutionaries' coercive tactics suggested that they had not yet inspired the bulk of the Muslim people to revolt against French colonial rule. In these places, the FLN established a simple but effective—although frequently temporary—military administration that was able to collect taxes and food and to recruit manpower.
But it was never able to hold large, fixed positions. The loss of competent field commanders both on the battlefield and through defections and political purges created difficulties for the FLN. Some officers created their own fiefdoms, using units under their command to settle old scores and engage in private wars against military rivals within the FLN. Despite complaints from the military command in Algiers, the French government was reluctant for many months to admit that the Algerian situation was out of control and that what was viewed officially as a pacification operation had developed into a war.
By , there were more than , French troops in Algeria. Although the elite colonial infantry airborne units and the Foreign Legion bore the brunt of offensive counterinsurgency combat operations, approximately , Muslim Algerians also served in the regular French army, most of them volunteers. France also sent air force and naval units to the Algerian theater, including helicopters. In addition to service as a flying ambulance and cargo carrier, French forces utilized the helicopter for the first time in a ground attack role in order to pursue and destroy fleeing FLN guerrilla units.
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The American military later used the same helicopter combat methods in the Vietnam War. The SAS's mission was to establish contact with the Muslim population and weaken nationalist influence in the rural areas by asserting the "French presence" there. Armed with shotguns and using guerrilla tactics similar to those of the FLN, the harkis , who eventually numbered about , volunteers, more than the FLN activists, [48] were an ideal instrument of counterinsurgency warfare.
Harkis were mostly used in conventional formations, either in all-Algerian units commanded by French officers or in mixed units. Other uses included platoon or smaller size units, attached to French battalions, in a similar way as the Kit Carson Scouts by the U. A third use was an intelligence gathering role, with some reported minor pseudo-operations in support of their intelligence collection. Cline stated, "The extent of these pseudo-operations appears to have been very limited both in time and scope.
The most widespread use of pseudo type operations was during the 'Battle of Algiers' in The principal French employer of covert agents in Algiers was the Fifth Bureau, the psychological warfare branch. They planted incriminating forged documents, spread false rumors of treachery and fomented distrust. As a frenzy of throat-cutting and disemboweling broke out among confused and suspicious FLN cadres, nationalist slaughtered nationalist from April to September and did France's work for her.
One organized pseudo-guerrilla unit, however, was created in December by the French DST domestic intelligence agency. The Organization of the French Algerian Resistance ORAF , a group of counter-terrorists had as its mission to carry out false flag terrorist attacks with the aim of quashing any hopes of political compromise.
Corpses of purported FLN members displayed by the unit were in fact those of dissidents and members of other Algerian groups killed by the FLN. The French Army finally discovered the war ruse and tried to hunt down Force K members. However, some managed to escape and join the FLN with weapons and equipment.
Late in , General Raoul Salan , commanding the French Army in Algeria, instituted a system of quadrillage surveillance using a grid pattern , dividing the country into sectors, each permanently garrisoned by troops responsible for suppressing rebel operations in their assigned territory. Salan's methods sharply reduced the instances of FLN terrorism but tied down a large number of troops in static defense.
Salan also constructed a heavily patrolled system of barriers to limit infiltration from Tunisia and Morocco. The French military command ruthlessly applied the principle of collective responsibility to villages suspected of sheltering, supplying, or in any way cooperating with the guerrillas. Villages that could not be reached by mobile units were subject to aerial bombardment. FLN guerrillas that fled to caves or other remote hiding places were tracked and hunted down. In one episode, FLN guerrillas who refused to surrender and withdraw from a cave complex were dealt with by French Foreign Legion Pioneer troops, who, lacking flamethrowers or explosives, simply bricked up each cave, leaving the residents to die of suffocation.
Finding it impossible to control all of Algeria's remote farms and villages, the French government also initiated a program of concentrating large segments of the rural population, including whole villages, in camps under military supervision to prevent them from aiding the rebels. Living conditions in the fortified villages were poor. In hundreds of villages, orchards and croplands not already burned by French troops went to seed for lack of care. These population transfers effectively denied the use of remote villages to FLN guerrillas, who had used them as a source of rations and manpower, but also caused significant resentment on the part of the displaced villagers.
Relocation's social and economic disruption continued to be felt a generation later. The French Army shifted its tactics at the end of from dependence on quadrillage to the use of mobile forces deployed on massive search-and-destroy missions against FLN strongholds. In , Salan's successor, General Maurice Challe , appeared to have suppressed major rebel resistance, but political developments had already overtaken the French Army's successes. Recurrent cabinet crises focused attention on the inherent instability of the Fourth Republic and increased the misgivings of the army and of the pieds-noirs that the security of Algeria was being undermined by party politics.
Army commanders chafed at what they took to be inadequate and incompetent political initiatives by the government in support of military efforts to end the rebellion. The feeling was widespread that another debacle like that of Indochina in was in the offing and that the government would order another precipitate pullout and sacrifice French honor to political expediency. Many saw in de Gaulle, who had not held office since , the only public figure capable of rallying the nation and giving direction to the French government. After his time as governor general, Soustelle returned to France to organize support for de Gaulle's return to power, while retaining close ties to the army and the pieds-noirs.
An army junta under General Massu seized power in Algiers on the night of May 13, thereafter known as the May crisis. Subsequently, preparations were made in Algeria for Operation Resurrection , which had as its objectives the seizure of Paris and the removal of the French government. Resurrection was to be implemented in the event of one of three following scenarios: Were de Gaulle not approved as leader of France by the parliament; were de Gaulle to ask for military assistance to take power; or if it seemed that communist forces were making any move to take power in France.
De Gaulle was approved by the French parliament on May 29, by votes against , 15 hours before the projected launch of Operation Resurrection. This indicated that the Fourth Republic by no longer had any support from the French Army in Algeria and was at its mercy even in civilian political matters. This decisive shift in the balance of power in civil-military relations in France in , and the threat of force, was the primary factor in the return of de Gaulle to power in France.
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Many people, regardless of citizenship, greeted de Gaulle's return to power as the breakthrough needed to end the hostilities. On his June 4 trip to Algeria, de Gaulle calculatedly made an ambiguous and broad emotional appeal to all the inhabitants, declaring, "Je vous ai compris" "I have understood you". At the same time, he proposed economic, social, and political reforms to improve the situation of the Muslims. Nonetheless, de Gaulle later admitted to having harbored deep pessimism about the outcome of the Algerian situation even then.
Meanwhile, he looked for a "third force" among the population of Algeria, uncontaminated by the FLN or the "ultras" colon extremists , through whom a solution might be found. De Gaulle immediately appointed a committee to draft a new constitution for France's Fifth Republic, which would be declared early the next year, with which Algeria would be associated but of which it would not form an integral part.
All Muslims, including women, were registered for the first time on electoral rolls to participate in a referendum to be held on the new constitution in September In February , de Gaulle was elected president of the new Fifth Republic. He visited Constantine in October to announce a program to end the war and create an Algeria closely linked to France. De Gaulle's call on the rebel leaders to end hostilities and to participate in elections was met with adamant refusal.
From to , the French army won military control in Algeria and was the closest it would be to victory. We are not making war for ourselves, not making a colonialist war, Bigeard wears no shirt he shows his opened uniform as do my officers. We are fighting right here right now for them, for the evolution, to see the evolution of these people and this war is for them. We are defending their freedom as we are, in my opinion, defending the West's freedom.
We are here ambassadors, Crusaders, who are hanging on in order to still be able to talk and to be able to speak for. During this period in France, however, opposition to the conflict was growing among the population, notably the French Communist Party , then one of the country's strongest political forces, which was supporting the Algerian Revolution. Thousands of relatives of conscripts and reserve soldiers suffered loss and pain; revelations of torture and the indiscriminate brutality the army visited on the Muslim population prompted widespread revulsion, and a significant constituency supported the principle of national liberation.
By , it was clear that the status quo was untenable and France could either grant Algeria independence or allow real equality with the Muslims. De Gaulle told an advisor: France's seeming intransigence in settling a colonial war that tied down half the manpower of its armed forces was also a source of concern to its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies. In a September 16, , statement, de Gaulle dramatically reversed his stand and uttered the words "self-determination" as the third and preferred solution [6] , which he envisioned as leading to majority rule in an Algeria formally associated with France.
In Tunis, Abbas acknowledged that de Gaulle's statement might be accepted as a basis for settlement, but the French government refused to recognize the GPRA as the representative of Algeria's Muslim community. The ultras incorrectly believed that they would be supported by General Massu. As the army, police, and supporters stood by, civilian pieds-noirs threw up barricades in the streets and seized government buildings. General Maurice Challe, responsible for the army in Algeria, declared Algiers under siege , but forbade the troops to fire on the insurgents.
Eight arrest warrants were issued in Paris against the initiators of the insurrection. Jean-Marie Le Pen , a member of parliament and future Front national founder, who called for the barricades to be extended to Paris, and theoretician Georges Sauge were then placed under custody.
In Paris on January 29, , de Gaulle called on his ineffective army to remain loyal and rallied popular support for his Algerian policy in a televised address:. I took, in the name of France, the following decision—the Algerians will have the free choice of their destiny. When, in one way or another — by ceasefire or by complete crushing of the rebels — we will have put an end to the fighting, when, after a prolonged period of appeasement, the population will have become conscious of the stakes and, thanks to us, realised the necessary progress in political, economic, social, educational, and other domains.
Then it will be the Algerians who will tell us what they want to be Your French of Algeria, how can you listen to the liars and the conspirators who tell you that, if you grant free choice to the Algerians, France and de Gaulle want to abandon you, retreat from Algeria, and deliver you to the rebellion? I say to all of our soldiers: You have to liquidate the rebellious forces, which want to oust France from Algeria and impose on this country its dictatorship of misery and sterility Finally, I address myself to France.
Well, well, my dear and old country, here we face together, once again, a serious ordeal. In virtue of the mandate that the people have given me and of the national legitimacy, which I have incarned for 20 years, I ask everyone to support me whatever happens. The loss of many ultra leaders who were imprisoned or transferred to other areas did not deter the French Algeria militants. Sent to prison in Paris and then paroled, Lagaillarde fled to Spain.
Highly organized and well-armed, the OAS stepped up its terrorist activities, which were directed against both Algerians and pro-government French citizens, as the move toward negotiated settlement of the war and self-determination gained momentum. To the FLN rebellion against France were added civil wars between extremists in the two communities and between the ultras and the French government in Algeria. Pierre Messmer , who had been a member of the Foreign Legion , was named Minister of Defense, and dissolved the Fifth Bureau, the psychological warfare branch, which had ordered the rebellion.
These units had theorized the principles of a counter-revolutionary war , including the use of torture. During the Indochina War —54 , officers such as Roger Trinquier and Lionel-Max Chassin were inspired by Mao Zedong 's strategic doctrine and acquired knowledge of convince the population to support the fight.
According to the Voltaire Network , the Catholic stay-behind Georges Sauge animated conferences there, and the maxim "This Army must be fanatic, despising luxury, animated by the spirit of the Crusades. The French army officers' uprising was due to a perceived second betrayal by the government, the first having been Indochina — The FEN then published the Manifeste de la classe Women participated in a variety of roles during the Algerian War. The French included some women, both Muslim and French, in their war effort, but they were not as fully integrated, nor were they charged with the same breadth of tasks as the women on the Algerian side.
The total number of women involved in the conflict, as determined by post-war veteran registration, is numbered at 11,, but it is possible that this number was significantly higher due to underreporting. Urban and rural women's experiences in the revolution differed greatly. Urban women, who constituted about twenty percent of the overall force, had received some kind of education and usually chose to enter on the side of the FLN of their own accord. Women operated in a number of different areas during the course of the rebellion. While most women's tasks were non-combatant, their less frequent, violent acts were more noticed.
The reality was that "rural women in maquis rural areas support networks" [63] contained the overwhelming majority of those who participated; female combatants were in the minority. The generals' putsch in April , aimed at canceling the government's negotiations with the FLN, marked the turning point in the official attitude toward the Algerian war. The army had been discredited by the putsch and kept a low profile politically throughout the rest of France's involvement with Algeria.
The OAS was to be the main standard bearer for the pieds-noirs for the rest of the war. A major difficulty at the talks was de Gaulle's decision to grant independence only to the coastal regions of Algeria, where the bulk of the population lived, while hanging onto the Sahara, which happened to be rich in oil and gas, while the FLN claimed all of Algeria. On 10 January , the FLN started a "general offensive" against the OAS, staging a series on the pied-noir communities as a way of applying pressure.
On 20 February a peace accord was reached for granting independence to all of Algeria. These rights included respect for property, participation in public affairs, and a full range of civil and cultural rights. At the end of that period, however, all Algerian residents would be obliged to become Algerian citizens or be classified as aliens with the attendant loss of rights. Following the cease fire tensions developed between the pied-noir community and their former protectors in the French Army. The black pavement looked grey, as if bleached by fire.
Crumpled French flags were lying in pools of blood. Shattered glass and spent carriages were everywhere". My God, we're French In the second referendum on the independence of Algeria , held in April , 91 percent of the French electorate approved the Evian Accords. The vote was nearly unanimous, with 5,, votes for independence, 16, against, with most pieds-noirs and Harkis either having fled or abstaining. The Provisional Executive, however, proclaimed July 5, the nd anniversary of the French entry into Algeria, as the day of national independence.
During the three months between the cease-fire and the French referendum on Algeria, the OAS unleashed a new campaign. The OAS sought to provoke a major breach in the ceasefire by the FLN, but the attacks now were aimed also against the French army and police enforcing the accords as well as against Muslims. It was the most wanton carnage that Algeria had witnessed in eight years of savage warfare. OAS operatives set off an average of bombs per day in March, with targets including hospitals and schools. During the summer of , a rush of pieds-noirs fled to France. Within a year, 1.
The Evian Accords had permitted France to maintain its military presence for fifteen years, so the withdrawal in was significantly ahead of schedule. Cairns writing from Paris in declared: Tension has never been higher. Disenchantment in France at least has never been greater. The mindless cruelty of it all has never been more absurd and savage. This last year, stretching from the hopeful spring of to the ceasefire of March 18, spanned a season of shadow boxing, false threats, capitulation and murderous hysteria.
French Algeria died badly.
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Its agony was marked by panic and brutality as ugly as the record of European imperialism could show. In the spring of the unhappy corpse of empire still shuddered and lashed out and stained itself in fratricide. The whole episode of its death, measured at least seven and half years, constituted perhaps the most pathetic and sordid event in the entire history of colonialism. It is hard to see how anybody of importance in the tangled web of the conflict came out looking well.
Nobody won the conflict, nobody dominated it. At the beginning of the war, on the Algerian side, it was necessary to compensate the military weakness with political and diplomatic struggle, in order to win the war. Indeed, the balance of power was asymmetric between France and the FLN so at this time, victory seemed difficult to achieve.
The Algerian revolution began with the insurrection of November 1, when the FLN organized a series of attacks against the French army and military infrastructure, and published a statement calling on Algerians to get involved in the revolution. In the short term however, it had a limited impact: Furthermore, the FLN was weak militarily at the beginning of the war.
It was created in , so its numbers were not numerous. Thus, they could not compete with the French army. In addition to that, there were conflicting divisions within the nationalist groups. As a consequence, the members of the FLN decided to develop a strategy to internationalize the conflict: First, this political aspect would reinforce the legitimacy of the FLN in Algeria.
Secondly, this strategy would be necessary all the more as Algeria had a special status compared to other colonised territories. Thus, the FLN tried to give an international aspect to the conflict to get support from abroad, but also to put a diplomatic pressure on the French government.
These objectives are in the statement of Thereby, the conflict rapidly became international thanks to the FLN which used the tensions due to the Cold War and the emergence of the Third World. First of all, the FLN used the tensions between the American and the Soviet blocs to serve its interests.
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Indeed, their objective was to be supported materially by the Eastern bloc so that the Western Bloc will react, and will ask for their independence because it is in the American interest that Algeria stays on the western side. The USA couldn't openly tolerate colonisation. But France was their ally, and they couldn't renounce this alliance. Nevertheless, it gave them a bad image abroad, and could encourage Algeria to join the eastern side.
After the Second World War , many new states were created as a result of decolonization. In , there were 51 states in the UN , and in , they are Thus, the balance of power in the UN changed a lot, and the recently decolonised countries were now a majority, so they had huge capacities. In addition to that, those new states are part of the Third-World movement. They went to be a third path in a bipolar world it is the non-alignment , they are against colonisation, and for modernization. As an example, in , a few days after the first insurrection, the radio in Yugoslavia Third-Worldist begin to make propaganda for the struggle of Algeria.
Therefore, they are forced to accept more direct support from abroad, and especially the financial and military support from China. This help allowed them to rebuild the ALN with 20 men. It means that Algeria has official representatives, so the negotiations with the French government are facilitated. But these negotiations will finally be more positive for the Algerian than for the French government. On the contrary, France is isolated, and is under the pressure of the USA, so they are going to yield.
Algeria finally becomes independent with the Evian agreements and largely thanks to the internationalisation of the conflict. For the sake of clarity, each group's exodus is described separately here, although their fate shared many common elements. Pied-noir literally "black foot" is a term used to name the European-descended population mostly Catholic , who had resided in Algeria for generations; it is sometimes used to include the indigenous Sephardi Jewish population as well, which likewise emigrated after