When the manager of The Times , J. Macdonald, was called to give evidence Russell, feeling tired, surprised Asquith by asking him to conduct the cross-examination. Asquith appeared in two important cases in the early s. He played an effective low-key role in the sensational Tranby Croft libel trial , helping to show that the plaintiff had not been libelled.
He was on the losing side in Carlill v Carbolic Smoke Ball Co , a landmark English contract law case that established that a company was obliged to meet its advertised pledges. In September Helen Asquith died of typhoid fever following a few days' illness while the family were on holiday in Scotland.
He sold the Hampstead property and took a flat in Mount Street , Mayfair , where he lived during the working week. The general election of July returned Gladstone and the Liberals to office, with intermittent support from the Irish Nationalist MPs. Asquith, who was then only 39 and had never served as a junior minister, accepted the post of Home Secretary , a senior Cabinet position.
The Conservatives and Liberal Unionists jointly outnumbered the Liberals in the Commons, which, together with a permanent Unionist majority in the House of Lords, restricted the government's capacity to put reforming measures in place. Asquith failed to secure a majority for a bill to disestablish the Church of Wales , and another to protect workers injured at work, but he built up a reputation as a capable and fair minister. In , Asquith responded to a request from Magistrates in the Wakefield area for reinforcements to police a mining strike.
Asquith sent Metropolitan policeman. After two civilians were killed in Featherstone when soldiers opened fire on a crowd, Asquith was subject to protests at public meetings for a period. He responded to a taunt, "Why did you murder the miners at Featherstone in '92? Asquith thought Rosebery preferable to the other possible candidate, the Chancellor of the Exchequer , Sir William Harcourt , whom he deemed too anti-imperialist—one of the so-called " Little Englanders "—and too abrasive.
Asquith had known Margot Tennant slightly since before his wife's death, and grew increasingly attached to her in his years as a widower. Asquith became a son in law of Sir Charles Tennant, 1st Baronet. Margot was in many respects the opposite of Asquith's first wife, being outgoing, impulsive, extravagant and opinionated. Margot got on, if sometimes stormily, with her step-children and she and Asquith had five children of their own, only two of whom survived infancy.: The general election of July was disastrous for the Liberals, and the Conservatives under Lord Salisbury won a majority of With no government post, Asquith divided his time between politics and the bar.
The Liberal Party, with a leadership—Harcourt in the Commons and Rosebery in the Lords—who detested each other, once again suffered factional divisions. Rosebery resigned in October and Harcourt followed him in December During the Boer War of — Liberal opinion divided along pro-imperialist and "Little England" lines, with Campbell-Bannerman striving to maintain party unity.
Asquith was less inclined than his leader and many in the party to censure the Conservative government for its conduct, though he regarded the war as an unnecessary distraction. Asquith's advocacy of traditional Liberal free trade policies helped to make Chamberlain's proposals the central question in British politics in the early years of the 20th century.
In Matthew's view, "Asquith's forensic skills quickly exposed deficiencies and self-contradictions in Chamberlain's arguments. Salisbury's Conservative successor as Prime Minister, Arthur Balfour , resigned in December , but did not seek a dissolution of Parliament and a general election. Asquith and his close political allies Haldane and Sir Edward Grey tried to pressure him into taking a peerage to become a figurehead Prime Minister in the House of Lords, giving the pro-empire wing of the party greater dominance in the House of Commons.
Campbell-Bannerman called their bluff and refused to move. He held the post for over two years, and introduced three budgets. A month after taking office, Campbell-Bannerman called a general election , in which the Liberals gained a landslide majority of The only income for which Chamberlain had over-budgeted was the duty from sales of alcohol. Asquith also introduced a distinction between earned and unearned income, taxing the latter at a higher rate. He used the increased revenues to fund old-age pensions, the first time a British government had provided them.
Reductions in selective taxes, such as that on sugar, were aimed at benefiting the poor. Asquith planned the budget, but by the time he presented it to the Commons he was no longer Chancellor. Campbell-Bannerman's health had been failing for nearly a year. After a series of heart attacks he resigned on 3 April , less than three weeks before he died.
On Asquith's return from Biarritz, his leadership of the Liberals was affirmed by a party meeting the first time this had been done for a prime minister. Lloyd George was promoted to be Asquith's replacement as chancellor. Winston Churchill succeeded Lloyd George as President of the Board of Trade , entering the Cabinet despite his youth aged 33 and the fact that he had crossed the floor to become a Liberal only four years previously.
Asquith demoted or dismissed a number of Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet ministers. Historian Cameron Hazlehurst wrote that "the new men, with the old, made a powerful team". Possessed of "a faculty for working quickly", [85] Asquith had considerable time for leisure. Reading [86] the classics, poetry and a vast range of English literature consumed much of his time. So did correspondence; intensely disliking the telephone, Asquith was a prolific letter writer. He was addicted to Contract bridge. Above all else, Asquith thrived on company and conversation.
A clubbable man, he enjoyed "the companionship of clever and attractive women" even more. Meeting first in —, by she was Asquith's constant correspondent and companion. Between that point and , he wrote her some letters, at a rate of up to four a day. Lady Tree 's teasing question, asked at the height of the conflict; "Tell me, Mr Asquith, do you take an interest in the war;" [99] conveyed a commonly held view.
Asquith enjoyed alcohol and his drinking was the subject of considerable gossip. His relaxed attitude to drink disappointed the temperance element in the Liberal coalition [] and some authors have suggested it affected his decision-making, for example in his opposition to Lloyd George's wartime attacks on the liquor trade.
Owen, a medical doctor by training, states that "by modern diagnostic standards, Asquith became an alcoholic while Prime Minister. Asquith hoped to act as a mediator between members of his cabinet as they pushed Liberal legislation through Parliament. Events, including conflict with the House of Lords, forced him to the front from the start of his premiership. Despite the Liberals's massive majority in the House of Commons, the Tories had overwhelming support in the unelected upper chamber.
None of these bills were important enough to dissolve parliament and seek a new mandate at a general election. Accordingly, the Liberal leadership expected that after much objection from the Tory peers, the Lords would yield to policy changes wrapped within a budget bill. In a major speech in December , Asquith announced that the upcoming budget would reflect the Liberals' policy agenda, and the People's Budget that was submitted to Parliament by Lloyd George the following year greatly expanded social welfare programmes.
To pay for them, it significantly increased both direct and indirect taxes. A graduated income tax was imposed, and there were increases in imposts on tobacco, beer and spirits. Although Asquith held fourteen cabinet meetings to assure unity amongst his ministers, [10] there was opposition from some Liberals; Rosebery described the budget as "inquisitorial, tyrannical, and Socialistic".
The budget divided the country and provoked bitter debate through the summer of The January general election was dominated by talk of removing the Lords' veto. They were mistaken; the King had informed Asquith that he would not consider a mass creation of peers until after a second general election. Lloyd George and Churchill were the leading forces in the Liberals' appeal to the voters; Asquith, clearly tired, took to the hustings for a total of two weeks during the campaign, and when the polls began, journeyed to Cannes with such speed that he neglected an engagement with an annoyed King Edward.
The result was a hung parliament. The Liberals lost heavily from their great majority of , but still finished with two more seats than the Conservatives. With Irish Nationalist and Labour support, the government would have ample support on most issues, and Asquith stated that his majority compared favourably with those enjoyed by Palmerston and Lord John Russell. Immediate further pressure to remove the Lords' veto now came from the Irish MPs, who wanted to remove the Lords' ability to block the introduction of Irish Home Rule.
They threatened to vote against the Budget unless they had their way. This initially proved difficult, and the King's speech opening Parliament was vague on what was to be done to neutralise the Lords' veto. Asquith dispirited his supporters by stating in Parliament that he had neither asked for nor received a commitment from King Edward to create peers. The budget passed the Commons again, and—now that it had an electoral mandate—it was approved by the Lords in April without a division.
Unless King Edward guaranteed that he would create enough Liberal peers to pass the bill, ministers would resign and allow Balfour to form a government, leaving the matter to be debated at the ensuing general election. Asquith and his ministers were initially reluctant to press the new king, George V , in mourning for his father, for commitments on constitutional change, and the monarch's views were not yet known. With a strong feeling in the country that the parties should compromise, Asquith and other Liberals met with Conservative leaders in a number of conferences through much of the remainder of These talks failed in November over Conservative insistence that there be no limits on the Lords's ability to veto Irish Home Rule.
On 11 November, Asquith asked King George to dissolve Parliament for another general election in December , and on the 14th met again with the King and demanded assurances the monarch would create an adequate number of Liberal peers to carry the Parliament Bill.
The King was slow to agree, and Asquith and his cabinet informed him they would resign if he did not make the commitment. Balfour had told King Edward that he would form a Conservative government if the Liberals left office but the new King did not know this. The King reluctantly gave in to Asquith's demand, writing in his diary that, "I disliked having to do this very much, but agreed that this was the only alternative to the Cabinet resigning, which at this moment would be disastrous".
Asquith dominated the short election campaign, focusing on the Lords' veto in calm speeches, compared by his biographer Stephen Koss to the "wild irresponsibility" of other major campaigners. We need an instrument [of constitutional change] that can be set to work at once, which will get rid of deadlocks, and give us the fair and even chance in legislation to which we are entitled, and which is all that we demand. The election resulted in little change to the party strengths the Liberal and Conservative parties were exactly equal in size; by the Conservative Party would actually be larger owing to by-election victories.
Nevertheless, Asquith remained in Number Ten , with a large majority in the Commons on the issue of the House of Lords. Asquith advised King George that the monarch would be called upon to create the peers, and the King agreed, asking that his pledge be made public, and that the Lords be allowed to reconsider their opposition. Once it was, there was a raging internal debate within the Tory party on whether to give in, or to continue to vote no even when outnumbered by hundreds of newly created peers.
After lengthy debate, on 10 August the Lords voted narrowly not to insist on their amendments, with many Tory peers abstaining and a few voting in favour of the government; the bill was passed into law. According to Jenkins, although Asquith had at times moved slowly during the crisis, "on the whole, Asquith's slow moulding of events had amounted to a masterly display of political nerve and patient determination. Compared with [the Conservatives], his leadership was outstanding. In the British Liberal tradition, he patched rather than reformulated the constitution.
Despite the distraction of the problem of the House of Lords, Asquith and his government moved ahead with a number of pieces of reforming legislation. According to Matthews, "no peacetime premier has been a more effective enabler. Asquith was not himself a 'new Liberal', but he saw the need for a change in assumptions about the individual's relationship to the state, and he was fully aware of the political risk to the Liberals of a Labour Party on its left flank.
Asquith had as chancellor placed money aside for the provision of non-contributory old-age pensions ; the bill authorising them passed in , during his premiership, despite some objection in the Lords. But it was violently criticised at the time for showing a reckless generosity. Asquith's new government became embroiled in a controversy over the Eucharistic Congress of , held in London. Following the Roman Catholic Relief Act , the Roman Catholic Church had seen a resurgence in Britain, and a large procession displaying the Blessed Sacrament was planned to allow the laity to participate.
Although such an event was forbidden by the act, planners counted on the British reputation for religious tolerance, [] and Francis Cardinal Bourne , the Archbishop of Westminster , had obtained permission from the Metropolitan Police. When the plans became widely known, King Edward objected, as did many other Protestants.
Asquith received inconsistent advice from his Home Secretary, Herbert Gladstone , and successfully pressed the organisers to cancel the religious aspects of the procession, though it cost him the resignation of his only Catholic cabinet minister, Lord Ripon. Asquith was an authority on Welsh disestablishment from his time under Gladstone, but had little to do with the passage of the bill. It was twice rejected by the Lords, in and , but having been forced through under the Parliament Act received royal assent in September , with the provisions suspended until war's end.
Asquith had opposed votes for women as early as , and he remained well known as an adversary throughout his time as prime minister. He did not understand—Jenkins ascribed it to a failure of imagination—why passions were raised on both sides over the issue. He told the House of Commons in , while complaining of the "exaggerated language" on both sides, "I am sometimes tempted to think, as one listens to the arguments of supporters of women's suffrage, that there is nothing to be said for it, and I am sometimes tempted to think, as I listen to the arguments of the opponents of women's suffrage, that there is nothing to be said against it.
Sparborough were arrested when they tried to obtain an audience with Asquith. He was several times the subject of their tactics: On the last occasion, his top hat proved adequate protection against the dog whips wielded by the women. These incidents left him unmoved, as he did not believe them a true manifestation of public opinion. With a growing majority of the Cabinet, including Lloyd George and Churchill, in favour of women's suffrage , Asquith was pressed to allow consideration of a private member's bill to give women the vote.
The majority of Liberal MPs were also in favour. In , Asquith reluctantly agreed to permit a free vote on an amendment to a pending reform bill, allowing women the vote on the same terms as men. This would have satisfied Liberal suffrage supporters, and many suffragists, but the Speaker in January ruled that the amendment changed the nature of the bill, which would have to be withdrawn.
Asquith was loud in his complaints against the Speaker, but was privately relieved. Asquith belatedly came around to support women's suffrage in , by which time he was out of office. Asquith's reforms to the House of Lords eased the way for the passage of the bill. As a minority party after elections, the Liberals depended on the Irish vote, controlled by John Redmond.
To gain Irish support for the budget and the parliament bill, Asquith promised Redmond that Irish Home Rule would be the highest priority. Retaining Ireland in the Union was the declared intent of all parties, and the Nationalists, as part of the majority that kept Asquith in office, were entitled to seek enactment of their plans for Home Rule, and to expect Liberal and Labour support.
The desire to retain a veto for the Lords on such bills had been an unbridgeable gap between the parties in the constitutional talks prior to the second election. The cabinet committee not including Asquith that in planned the Third Home Rule Bill opposed any special status for Protestant Ulster within majority-Catholic Ireland.
Asquith later in wrote to Churchill, stating that the Prime Minister had always believed and stated that the price of Home Rule should be a special status for Ulster. In spite of this, the bill as introduced in April contained no such provision, and was meant to apply to all Ireland. The Conservatives and Irish Unionists opposed it. Unionists began preparing to get their way by force if necessary, prompting nationalist emulation.
The Unionists were in general better financed and more organised. Asquith decided to postpone any concessions to the Unionists until the bill's third passage through the Commons, when he believed the Unionists would be desperate for a compromise. With deployment of troops into Ulster imminent and threatening language by Churchill and the Secretary of State for War, John Seely , around sixty army officers, led by Brigadier-General Hubert Gough , announced that they would rather be dismissed from the service than obey.
Seely then added an unauthorised assurance, countersigned by Sir John French the professional head of the army , that the government had no intention of using force against Ulster. Asquith repudiated the addition, and required Seely and French to resign, taking on the War Office himself, [] retaining the additional responsibility until hostilities against Germany began.
Within a month of the start of Asquith's tenure at the War Office, the UVF landed a large cargo of guns and ammunition at Larne , but the Cabinet did not deem it prudent to arrest their leaders. On 12 May, Asquith announced that he would secure Home Rule's third passage through the Commons accomplished on 25 May , but that there would be an amending bill with it, making special provision for Ulster.
But the Lords made changes to the amending bill unacceptable to Asquith, and with no way to invoke the Parliament Act on the amending bill, Asquith agreed to meet other leaders at an all-party conference on 21 July at Buckingham Palace, chaired by the King. When no solution could be found, Asquith and his cabinet planned further concessions to the Unionists, but this did not occur as the crisis on the Continent erupted into war. This solution satisfied neither side. Asquith led a deeply divided Liberal Party as Prime Minister, not least on questions of foreign relations and defence spending.
Grey, the Foreign Secretary, refused any formal arrangement, but gave it as his personal opinion that in the event of war Britain would aid France. France then asked for military conversations aimed at co-ordination in such an event. Grey agreed, and these went on in the following years, without cabinet knowledge—Asquith most likely did not know of them until When he learned of them, Asquith was concerned that the French took for granted British aid in the event of war, but Grey persuaded him the talks must continue.
More public was the naval arms race between Britain and Germany. The Moroccan crisis had been settled at the Algeciras Conference , and Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet approved reduced naval estimates, including postponing the laying down of a second Dreadnought -class battleship. Tenser relationships with Germany, and that nation moving ahead with its own dreadnoughts , led Reginald McKenna , when Asquith appointed him First Lord of the Admiralty in , to propose the laying down of eight more British ones in the following three years. This prompted conflict in the Cabinet between those who supported this programme, such as McKenna, and the "economists" who promoted economy in naval estimates, led by Lloyd George and Churchill.
Asquith mediated among his colleagues and secured a compromise whereby four ships would be laid down at once, and four more if there proved to be a need. The Agadir crisis of was again between France and Germany over Moroccan interests, but Asquith's government signalled its friendliness towards France in Lloyd George's Mansion House speech on 21 July. The Cabinet agreed at Asquith's instigation that no talks could be held that committed Britain to war, and required cabinet approval for co-ordinated military actions.
Nevertheless, by , the French had requested additional naval co-ordination and late in the year, the various understandings were committed to writing in an exchange of letters between Grey and French Ambassador Paul Cambon. This quieted Asquith's foreign policy critics until another naval estimates dispute erupted early in The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo on 28 June initiated a month of unsuccessful diplomatic attempts to avoid war. Grey's initiative was rejected by Germany as "not practicable". He knew of no Minister who would be in favour of it. On 24 July, he wrote to Venetia; "We are within measurable, or imaginable, distance of a real Armageddon.
Happily there seems to be no reason why we should be anything more than spectators. During the continuing escalation Asquith "used all his experience and authority to keep his options open" [] and adamantly refused to commit his government; "The worst thing we could do would be to announce to the world at the present moment that in no circumstances would we intervene. Grey will never consent and I shall not separate myself from him. On Monday 3 August, the Belgian Government rejected the German demand for free passage through its country and in the afternoon, "with gravity and unexpected eloquence", [] Grey spoke in the Commons and called for British action "against the unmeasured aggrandisement of any power".
Margot Asquith described the moment of expiry, somewhat inaccurately; " I joined Henry in the Cabinet room. We were at War. The declaration of war on 4 August saw Asquith as the head of an almost united Liberal Party. The first months of the War saw a revival in Asquith's popularity. Bitterness from earlier struggles temporarily receded and the nation looked to Asquith, "steady, massive, self-reliant and unswerving", [] to lead them to victory.
But Asquith's peacetime strengths ill-equipped him for what was to become perhaps the first total war and, before its end, he would be out of office forever and his party would never again form a majority government. Beyond the replacement of Morley and Burns, [] Asquith made one other significant change to his cabinet. The invasion of Belgium by German forces, the touch paper for British intervention, saw the Kaiser's armies attempt a lightning strike through Belgium against France, while holding Russian forces on the Eastern Front. The Dardanelles Campaign was an attempt by Churchill and those those favouring an Eastern strategy to end the stalemate on the Western Front.
It envisaged an Anglo-French landing on Turkey's Gallipoli Peninsula and a rapid advance to Constantinople which would see the exit of Turkey from the conflict. The naval attempt was badly defeated. Allied troops established bridgeheads on the Gallipoli Peninsula, but a delay in providing sufficient reinforcements allowed the Turks to regroup, leading to a stalemate Jenkins described "as immobile as that which prevailed on the Western Front". The Allies sent in , men; they suffered , casualties mostly from Australian and New Zealand units in the humiliating defeat.
Politically, it ruined Churchill and badly hurt Asquith. The opening of saw growing division between Lloyd George and Kitchener over the supply of munitions for the army. Lloyd George considered that a munitions department, under his control, was essential to co-ordinate "the nation's entire engineering capacity". As so often, Asquith sought compromise through committee, establishing a group to "consider the much vexed question of putting the contracts for munitions on a proper footing". There is not a word of truth in that statement.
The press response was savage: Thus opened a fully-fledged crisis, the Shell Crisis. The prime minister's wife correctly identified her husband's chief opponent, the Press baron, and owner of The Times , Lord Northcliffe ; "I'm quite sure Northcliffe is at the bottom of all this," [] but failed to recognise the clandestine involvement of Sir John French , who leaked the details of the shells shortage to Repington. Scott , the editor of The Manchester Guardian writing; "The Government has failed most frightfully and discreditably in the matter of munitions. Failures in both the East and the West began a tide of events that was to overwhelm Asquith's Liberal Government.
Asquith's reply was immediate and brief, "As you know well, this breaks my heart. I couldn't bear to come and see you. I can only pray God to bless you—and help me. I know you will not fail. This personal loss was immediately followed, on 15 May, by the resignation of Admiral Fisher after continuing disagreements with Churchill and in frustration at the disappointing developments in Gallipoli. He has a great deal of trouble with his chief, who is always wanting to do something big and striking. Cassar considers that Lloyd George displayed a distinct lack of loyalty, [] and Koss writes of the contemporary rumours that Churchill had "been up to his old game of intriguing all round" and reports a claim that Churchill "unquestionably inspired" the Repington Letter, in collusion with Sir John French.
The formation of the First Coalition saw Asquith display the political acuteness that seemed to have deserted him. This involved the sacrifice of two old political comrades: Churchill, who was blamed for the Dardanelles fiasco, and Haldane, who was wrongly accused in the press of pro-German sympathies. Asquith handled the allocation of offices more successfully, appointing Bonar Law to the relatively minor post of Colonial Secretary, [] taking responsibility for munitions from Kitchener and giving it, as a new ministry, to Lloyd George and placing Balfour at the Admiralty, in place of Churchill, who was demoted to the sinecure Cabinet post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
Overall the Liberals held 12 Cabinet seats, including most of the important ones, while the Tories held 8. Having reconstructed his government, Asquith attempted a re-configuration of his war-making apparatus. The most important element of this was the establishment of the Ministry of Munitions , [] followed by the re-ordering of the War Council into a Dardanelles Committee, with Maurice Hankey as secretary and with a remit to consider all questions of war strategy.
The Munitions of War Act brought private companies supplying the armed forces under the tight control of the Minister of Munitions , Lloyd George. The policy, according to J. Marriott , was that:. Nevertheless, criticism of Asquith's leadership style continued. The Earl of Crawford , who had joined the Government as Minister of Agriculture, described his first Cabinet meeting; "It was a huge gathering, so big that it is hopeless for more than one or two to express opinions on each detail […] Asquith somnolent—hands shaky and cheeks pendulous.
He exercised little control over debate, seemed rather bored, but good humoured throughout. The insatiable demand for manpower for the Western Front had been foreseen early on. A volunteer system had been introduced at the outbreak of war, and Asquith was reluctant to change it for political reasons, as many Liberals, and almost all of their Irish Nationalist and Labour allies, were strongly opposed to conscription. Will 'wait and see' win, or can that part of the Cabinet that is in earnest and is honest force that damned old Squiff into action? Describing herself as "passionately against it", [] Margot Asquith engaged in one of her frequent influencing drives, by letters and through conversations, which had little impact other than doing "great harm" to Asquith's reputation and position.
By the end of , it was clear that conscription was essential and Asquith laid the Military Service Act in the House of Commons on 5 January Asquith's main opposition came from within his own party, particularly from Sir John Simon, who resigned. Asquith described Simon's stance in a letter to Sylvia Henley; "I felt really like a man who had been struck publicly in the face by his son. On Easter Monday , a group of Irish Volunteers and members of the Irish Citizen Army seized a number of key buildings and locations in Dublin and elsewhere.
There was heavy fighting over the next week before the Volunteers were forced to surrender. On 11 May Asquith crossed to Dublin and, after a week of investigation, decided that the island's governance system was irredeemably broken, [] He turned to Lloyd George for a solution. With his customary energy, Lloyd George brokered a settlement which would have seen Home Rule introduced at the end of the War, with the exclusion of Ulster.
A gets very few cheers nowadays. Continued Allied failure and heavy losses at the Battle of Loos between September and October ended any remaining confidence in the British commander, Sir John French and in the judgement of Lord Kitchener. It ran 'Sir J. Early saw the start of the German offensive at Verdun , the "greatest battle of attrition in history". Although a strategic success, [] the greater loss of ships on the Allied side brought early dismay. Whilst listening to the list of ships lost, I thought it the worst disaster that we had ever suffered.
Asquith first considered taking the vacant War Office himself but then offered it to Bonar Law, who declined it in favour of Lloyd George. Asquith followed this by agreeing to hold Commissions of Inquiry into the conduct of the Dardanelles and of the Mesopotamian campaign , where Allied forces had been forced to surrender at Kut.
For its last five months, the function of the Supreme Command was carried out under the shadow of these inquests. Raymond wrote to his wife in early ; "If Margot talks any more bosh to you about the inhumanity of her stepchildren you can stop her mouth by telling her that during my 10 months exile here the P.
The events that led to the collapse of the First Coalition were exhaustively chronicled by almost all of the major participants, [] although Asquith himself was a notable exception , and have been minutely studied by historians in the years since. Adams wrote; "The Prime Minister depended upon [a] majority [in] Parliament. The faith of that majority in Asquith's leadership had been shaken and the appearance of a logical alternative destroyed him.
The touch paper for the final crisis was the unlikely subject of the sale of captured German assets in Nigeria. The issue itself was trivial, [] but the fact that Law had been attacked by a leading member of his own party, and was not supported by Lloyd George who absented himself from the House only to dine with Carson later in the evening , was not.
Bibliography | Online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War (WW1)
Margot Asquith immediately sensed the coming danger; "From that night it was quite clear that Northcliffe, Rothermere, Bonar, Carson, Ll. G and a man called Max Aitken were going to run the Government. I knew it was the end. The situation was further inflamed by the publication of a memorandum on future prospects in the war by Lord Lansdowne.
Asquith's critics immediately assumed that the memorandum represented his own views and that Lansdowne was being used as a stalking horse, [] Lord Crewe going so far as to suggest that the Lansdowne Memorandum was the "veritable causa causans [n] of the final break-up". Asquith was to be retained as prime minister, and given honorific oversight of the War Council, but day to day operations would be directed by Lloyd George.
Until almost the end, both Bonar Law, [] and Lloyd George, [] wished to retain Asquith as premier. But Aitken, [] Carson [] and Lord Northcliffe emphatically did not. Lord Northcliffe's role was critical, as was the use Lloyd George made of him, and of the press in general. Northcliffe's involvement also highlights the limitations of both Aitken's and Lloyd George's accounts of Asquith's fall. Both minimised Northcliffe's part in the events. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George stated emphatically "Lord Northcliffe was never, at any stage, brought into our consultations.
In their biography of Northcliffe, Pound and Harmsworth record Northcliffe's brother Rothermere writing contemporaneously; "Alfred has been actively at work with Ll. God may forgive him; I never can. In this regard, some senior military officers were extremely active. Robertson, for example, wrote to Northcliffe in October , "The Boche gives me no trouble compared with what I meet in London. So any help you can give me will be of Imperial value.
His reply was an outright rejection; the proposal was impossible "without fatally impairing the confidence of colleagues, and undermining my own authority. All were uncertain of the next steps. All were united in opposition to Lloyd George's War Council plans, Chamberlain writing; " we were unanimously of opinion sic that the plans were open to grave objection and made certain alternative proposals.
Lloyd George had also been reflecting on the substance of the scheme and, on Friday 1 December, he met with Asquith to put forward an alternative. This would see a War Council of three, the two Service ministers and a third without portfolio. One of the three, presumably Lloyd George although this was not explicit, would be chairman.
Asquith, as Prime Minister, would retain "supreme control. Asquith's reply the same day did not constitute an outright rejection, but he did demand that he retain the chairmanship of the council. The life of the country depends on resolute action by you now. In a four-day crisis Asquith was unaware how fast he was losing support. Asquith fell and Lloyd George answered the loud demands for a much more decisive government.
He energetically set up a new small war cabinet, a cabinet secretariat under Hankey, a secretariat of private advisors in the 'Garden Suburb' and moved towards prime ministerial control. This document, subsequently the source of much debate, stated that "the Government cannot continue as it is; the Prime Minister should tender the resignation of the Government" and, if Asquith was unwilling to do that, the Conservative members of the Government would "tender their resignations. Chamberlain felt that it left open the option of either Asquith or Lloyd George as premier, dependent on who could gain greater support.
Curzon, in a letter of that day to Lansdowne, stated no one at the Pembroke Lodge meeting felt that the war could be won under Asquith's continued leadership and that the issue for the Liberal politicians to resolve was whether Asquith remained in a Lloyd George administration in a subordinate role, or left the government altogether. As one example, Gilmour, Curzon's biographer, writes that the Unionist ministers; "did not, as Beaverbrook alleged, decide to resign themselves in order to strengthen the Prime Minister's hand against Lloyd George..
Bonar Law then took the resolution to Asquith, who had, unusually, broken his weekend at Walmer Castle to return to Downing Street. Law himself maintained he simply forgot. The outcome of the interview between Law and Asquith was clear, even if Law had not been. Lloyd George would ultimately be achieved, without sacrifice of Asquith's position as chief of the War Committee; a large measure of reconstruction would satisfy the Unionist Ministers. Despite Lloyd George's denials of collaboration, the diary for 3 December by Northcliffe's factotum Tom Clarke, records that; "The Chief returned to town and at 7.
The bulletin was published on the morning of Monday 4 December. It was accompanied by an avalanche of press criticism, all of it intensely hostile to Asquith. More damagingly still, it ridiculed Asquith, claimed he had conspired in his own humiliation and would henceforth be "Prime Minister in name only. But it seems likely that Carson's source was Lloyd George. The leak prompted an immediate reaction from Asquith; "Unless the impression is at once corrected that I am being relegated to the position of an irresponsible spectator of the War, I cannot possibly go on.
I fully accept in letter and in spirit your summary of the suggested arrangement—subject of course to personnel. It is unclear exactly whom Asquith spoke with on 4 December. Beaverbrook and Crewe state he met Chamberlain, Curzon and Cecil. This is the first and only time the three of us met Asquith during those fateful days. Gilmour [] and Adams. Lloyd George accepted the challenge by return of post, writing; "As all delay is fatal in war, I place my office without further parley at your disposal.
Jenkins argues that Asquith should have recognised it as a shift of allegiance. Without their support, "it would be impossible for Asquith to continue. Asquith's meeting with Chamberlain, Curzon and Cecil at 3. The "Three Cs" stated they would serve under Lloyd George if he could create the stable Government they considered essential for the effective prosecution of the War.
The Home Secretary, Herbert Samuel , recorded in a contemporaneous note; "We were all strongly of opinion, from which [Asquith] did not dissent, that there was no alternative [to resignation]. We could not carry on without LlG and the Unionists and ought not to give the appearance of wishing to do so. Later that evening Bonar Law, who had been to the Palace to receive the King's commission, arrived to enquire whether Asquith would serve under him.
Lord Crewe described Asquith's reply as "altogether discouraging, if not definitely in the negative. General Douglas Haig on Asquith's fall 6 December []. Wednesday saw an afternoon conference at Buckingham Palace, hosted by the King and chaired by Balfour. Taylor's life of that politician, which reads: Meeting at BL house with G. Lloyd George and C. Carson —Decide on Palace Conference. Within two hours of its break-up, Asquith, after consulting his Liberal colleagues, [] except for Lloyd George, declined to serve under Bonar Law, [] who accordingly declined the King's commission.
Lloyd George was invited to form a Government. In just over twenty four hours he had done so, forming a small War Cabinet instead of the mooted War Council, and at 7. But the whole trouble arose from the fact that there was no fierce resolute Asquith to win this war or any other. The Asquiths finally vacated 10 Downing Street on 9 December. Asquith, not normally given to displays of emotion, confided to his wife that he felt he had been stabbed.
That Lloyd George a Welshman! Asquith's fall was met with rejoicing in much of the British and Allied press and sterling rallied against the German mark on the New York markets. Press attacks on Asquith continued and indeed increased after the publication of the Dardanelles Report. Like Sir Robert Peel after , Asquith after still controlled the party machinery and resented those who had ousted him, but showed no real interest in reuniting his party.
Asquith did not put any pressure on Liberals to eschew joining the coalition government; in fact, though, few Liberals did join it. Most Liberal parliamentarians remained intensely loyal to him, and felt that he alone should not be left to face the criticism. There was much hostility to Lloyd George at these gatherings. Within Parliament, Asquith pursued a course of quiet support, retaining a "heavy, continuing responsibility for the decision of August 4, Outside of the Commons, Margot and he returned to 20 Cavendish Square and he divided his life between there, The Wharf and visiting.
Money, in the absence of his premier's salary, became more of a concern. Asquith's daughter-in-law recorded in her diary; "The Old Boy Asquith sent me fifteen pounds and also, in a letter, told me the sad news of poor, dear Oc having been badly wounded again. On 7 May a letter from a serving officer, Major-General Sir Frederick Maurice appeared in four London newspapers, accusing Lloyd George and Bonar Law of having misled the House of Commons in debates the previous month as to the manpower strength of the army in France.
Gwynne , the editor of the Morning Post , and previously a fervent opponent. Bridgeman recorded; "He did not make much of a case, and did not even condemn Maurice's breach of the King's Regulations, for which he got a very heavy blow from L. Asquith was left politically discredited by the Maurice Debate and by the clear turn of the war in the Allies' favour from the summer of However, Lady Ottoline Morrell thought it "a dull address".
I dined with the usual crowd at Mrs. The Duke of Connaught lunches here on Friday: The beginning of the end of the war began where it had begun, with the last German offensive on the Western Front, the Second Battle of the Marne. Even before the Armistice, Lloyd George had been considering the political landscape and, on 2 November , wrote to Bonar Law proposing an immediate election with a formal endorsement — for which Asquith coined the name "Coupon", with overtones of wartime food rationing — for Coalition candidates.
On 6 November he wrote to Hilda Henderson; "I suppose that tomorrow we shall be told the final decision about this accursed election. Asquith joined in the celebrations of the Armistice, speaking in the Commons, attending the service of thanksgiving at St Margaret's, Westminster and afterwards lunching with King George. Asquith led the Liberal Party into the election, but with a singular lack of enthusiasm, writing on 25 November: The whole thing is a wicked fraud. Asquith was one of five people given a free pass by the Coalition but the East Fife Unionist Association defied national instructions and put up a candidate, Alexander Sprot , against him.
He scoffed at press rumours that he was being barracked by a gang of discharged soldiers. Are you going to let him spoil the Peace?
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