According to Christraud Geary, a German anthropologist who devoted many years of research to the traditional belief systems of the Weh and their religious ritual societies and associations, the traditional beliefs were with the Weh from the time of settlement while others were acquired from their Tikar neighbours in the northwestern region of the Bamenda Grassields. The people believe that the Supreme Being manifests in all life and nature and provides solutions to myriad of problems.
And given that they believe that Keze created the world and all in it, a breach of, or failure to abide to societal principles amounts to the displeasure of the Supreme Being and ancestral spirits. This could be positive if the behavior was in line with the norm or vice versa if it was a breach of the established rule. So impurity, to some extent, was a product of forbidden conducts.
The Weh saw forbidden conducts as actions that go against the good and wellbeing of other individuals, the community, and even against Keze and ancestral spirits.
The agents of death-related impurity can be the angered spirits of those who die tragically suicide, murder, drowning and other accidents , or those whose burial does not conform to established norms. As conirmed by our informants, such angry spirits can be at the origin of misfortunes to their family members or the community as a whole. Such tragic deaths and improper burials, the informants said, are polluting forces that necessitate cleansing rituals in the hope of appeasing such angry spirits. As regards to killing in every circumstance even in the event of war, it is considered as bloodshed among the Weh.
The killer, it is believed, is vulnerable to pollution at the origin of which is the embittered spirit of his victim. Consequently, a specialized ritual society known as Ndau Ifa House of Ifa ritually purify the killer as shall be discussed later in this paper. Besides, the Weh have a religious attitude towards land as well as all other things connected to it. For them, the guidance of land with its natural resources is the preserve of ancestral spirits. And given the centrality of these spirits in Weh religion, the attitude to land is religious and this accounts for the existence of prescribed restrictions relating to it.
This hinges on the belief that the breach of the sacredness of land can anger ancestors and the Supreme Being who are capable of causing punitive drought, epidemics and poor harvest. What emerges from the foregoing is that pollution among the Weh as elsewhere in Africa was a religious matter that had to be addressed in a religious manner. It was supposedly the need to appropriately perform observances to Keze and divinized ancestors that resulted in an aura of traditional religious rituals performed by ritual experts. These ritual practices as already noted accrued from the intellectual acumen and creative endeavours of the Weh.
Generally, the Weh indigenous religion has many ritual practices having to do with various aspects of human problem solving. Some of the rituals were intended to cleanse the community when there was pollution and misfortune while others were concerned with marriage, birth, death, the fertility of farmlands, and childlessness. This is because cleansing rituals are also observed in neighboring fondoms like Fungom, Aghem, Mmen, and Fang.
Like elsewhere in Africa as Taringa conirms, these spirits act as guardians of the family traditions, providers of fortune, and punishers of breakers of accepted rules. This explains why Weh ancestors are, among other things, associated with misfortunes: Irrefutably therefore, the question of puriication stands in the heart of Weh beliefs and religion.
As already argued, therefore, the religiosity of Weh cleansing rituals hinges on their connection with accredited characteristics of religion, namely, belief in supernatural beings, ritual acts focused on sacred objects, a worldview, a moral code believed to be sanctioned by the gods, and a social group bound together by the preceding characteristics. Douglas observes that ritual is relevant for controlling human experience at a societal level.
These rituals which lourished almost unperturbed before the colonial encounter were the preserve of ritual priests who headed speciic and specialized ritual lodges. Generally, Weh cleansing rituals were related to tragic death, murder, removal of impurities in farmlands and the annual puriication of the whole community. This section pays attention to the performance of these rituals before the colonial encounter.
It was the Ndau Keum House of cleansing and protection that had and still has the preserve to perform cleansing rituals relating to tragic deaths and the puriication of the entire community. So, in the context of tragic deaths and community cleansing, the Weh performed puriication rituals known as Keum. It was noted that tragic death Vuih Nyung is considered as a source of pollution to the society.
In Weh culture, it is believed that relatives of those who die tragically are not only in a position of danger themselves, but are also a source of pollution to the society. As such, they need appropriate Keum rituals in order to be puriied of misfortunes accruing from the embittered spirits of the dead. The latter receives his esoteric knowledge from his predecessors, members of the same patrilineage. The Chief Priest was ranked among the spiritual and moral leaders of the community because of his status as agent of Keze and ancestral spirits. Membership during the pre-colonial era was opened to heads of patrilineages across the chiefdom.
Those who met the entrance conditions were given special bags Mbeughe ku Keum which they carried during the rituals. Although the Fon is not a member of Keum and does not control it, he requested the ritual when Weh experienced a tragic death. Therefore, the ritual generally took place when the need for it arose and when the Fon expressed the wish for action.
After receiving instructions from the Fon to perform a cleansing ritual in the event of tragic death, the Ritual Priest then held a preparatory meeting with the members of Ndau Keum. It was during such meetings that some ritual experts were assigned to harvest the herbs required for the ceremony from the lone sacred forest in the fondom. In Weh culture, as Moses Kum Keum Chief Priest observed, it is believed that particular trees and herbs are imbued with cleansing powers accruing from ancestral spirits.
The ritual experts also agreed on the day of the ritual and informed the Fon and the whole community. The family of the deceased provided the items needed for the ritual: As narrated by some ritual experts, the dog is used because of the belief that it possesses mythical and religious powers. On the day of the ritual, all members gathered in the Ndau Keum for the preparation of the powder and liquid medicine. The ritual was an occurrence that was separated from normal affairs because it required special preparation by ritual experts with the hope of attracting the intervention of the supernatural beings.
He led the ritual experts in saying prayers to the Supreme Being through the ancestors and in sprinkling the medicine with palm wine. All these took place in the ritual lodge and constituted the irst phase of the Keum ritual. The second phase of the ritual took place in a special stream called Dzu Wai. This stream is, in fact, a space set apart for the ceremony because of the sacredness of the water in it. It is worth mentioning that water bodies in Weh are considered to be under the mystical tutelage of ancestral spirits. So Dzu Wai is a vital part of Weh religious life and it is here that the relatives of the deceased and other members of the community gathered for the ritual.
This explains why ritual experts used it to remove impurities as well as to cool the avenging spirits of victims of tragic deaths. Before moving to the cleansing ritual site in a religious procession, the Chief Priest invoked the spirits of his predecessors by pouring the medicine and palm wine on their graves. Besides, the ritual priest placed a peace plant Ikeng across his mouth indicating that he was not allowed to talk to anybody. At the ritual site, all participants were stripped naked before the ceremony began. The pot containing the medicine - a blend of plants, oil and palm wine — was placed in the stream.
The dog was slaughtered and the blood lowed into the pot. After the saying of prayers and invocations, the Chief Priest held the hen together with some herbs for the blood bath to begin. From this moment, the hen and herbs were put into the pot and stream and sprinkled on the participants a few meters downstream.
Thus, the participants were washed with the medicine, blood and sacred water in the stream in the hope of getting rid of impurities. The dog and hen were not consumed; rather they were thrown into the river as sacriice to the ancestors. Here, the powder medicine was administered to each of the participants. All the participants warmed their hands and feet on the ire and inhaled the smoke for the purpose of internal cleansing. This concluded the second phase and the participants returned to their homes with assurances of being cleansed from misfortunes and protected from avenging spirits. It is important to note that the cock, though taken back to the Ndau Keum, was not consumed by the Keum ritual experts.
Rather, it was eaten only by the members of the Ndau Ifa an association of persons who have ever killed a human being. As we shall discuss later, Ndau Ifa involves in the ritual cleansing of killers. The Ndau Keum, as earlier pointed out, was also concerned with the general cleansing of the community, especially when many deaths, prolonged drought, infertility, poor harvest and many other misfortunes were recorded.
It was the Fon who expressed the need for general cleansing which involved only the ritual experts. Its initial stage involved the ritual sacriicing of a black dog in the Ndau Keum. This pouring of blood was meant to appease the angered spirits of the ancestors. If these misfortunes persisted, as recounted by our informants, the Fon was taken to Dzu Wai for the Keum ritual.
In Weh culture, therefore, it is believed that the Fon can be polluted. We now turn our attention to rituals directed at removing impurities in people who involved in bloodshed. In Weh culture as earlier mentioned, it is believed that experiences of war expose warriors to misfortunes caused by the angry spirits of those killed during the ighting. Our informants revealed that individuals who participated in inter-ethnic wars must have killed and were considered to be harmful to the whole community. Even those who involved in murder, the informants conirmed, were aflicted by the embittered spirits of their victims.
And since it is believed that the entire community can also be polluted by such murder-related misfortunes, the Weh devised rituals for the removal of such impurities in people and the community. Membership was opened only to individuals who had killed or murdered. Once they had killed or murdered, they brought a cock, a goat and rafia wine for the Ifa ritual. With the blood of the cock and herbs, the Fon who acted as the ritual priest of Ndau Ifa prepared the medicine which he administered to the new member. During the event which took place in the lone House of Ifa, the impure person was washed with the medicine.
Interviews with some ritual experts of Ndau Ifa indicated that the washing with Ifa was an expiatory act intended to make amends with the angry spirits as well as to remove the impurities in the person. The removal of impurities from farmlands to ensure good harvest also characterized Weh cleansing ritual culture. The occurrence of drought, destructive winds and poor harvest were events that quite often necessitated the puriication of the farms.
As already pointed out, it is believed among the Weh that the guidance of land with its natural resources is the preserve of ancestral spirits. The latter are capable of causing punitive drought, epidemics and poor harvest when they are angered. It was only during this period that the members of the house met to perform their rituals. During the ritual sessions of the Ndau Keze, the women were not allowed to work the ields for three days. When the house was in session, the ritual experts invoked the ancestors in prayers and sacriice.
On its part, Ndau Asang whose sessions were attended by the Fon served to secure the fertility of the ields and to bless the seeds. Its ritual sessions which started at the beginning of the planting season were marked by the preparation of special medicine by its members. Important in the preparation of the ritual medicine was guinea corn asang.
The ritual experts met once a week for three months in the course of which prayers and sacriices were offered to the ancestors. In times of poor harvest and famine, according to Geary, emergency sessions of Ndau Asang were requested by the Fon. What can be established from the foregoing is that the Weh, just like in other African societies, possessed a ritual cleansing culture that was solidly embedded in their indigenous religion.
The puriication rituals appeased the embittered spirits of those who died tragically, removed misfortunes in persons accruing from their involvement in bloodshed, restored the fertility of the farmlands and generally cleansed the community by doing away with polluting forces. Overall, the rituals helped in keeping the society and its people in harmony with the Supreme Being and ancestral spirits.
Before the onslaught of external interventions, therefore, there is every indication that indigenously conceived religious cleansing rituals functioned just ine in Weh just like elsewhere in Africa. Signiicance of Weh Cleansing Rituals since the Colonial Encounter Following the imposition of colonization on the Bamenda Grassields polities of Cameroon at the beginning of the twentieth century, the successive German and British colonial governments alongside Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries helped in transforming the religion and world view of the people.
They were among the many Weh elite who collaborated with Catholic and Protestant missionaries. This set the pace for the gradual conversion of many Weh people to Christianity. This success was also a product of the sustained assistance that was provided to the missionaries by the successive German and British colonial governments.
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This collaboration was fed by the belief that the Christianizing of the Weh could facilitate political control and economic exploitation. Apart from discrediting most aspects of Weh indigenous religion, missionaries proposed Christianity-related solutions to the problems faced by the people including the removal of impurities. Besides, the Baptist, Catholic and Basel missionaries attacked beliefs connected with Weh religion alongside the manner in which pollution was perceived. This was the context in which missionaries started replacing traditional religious rituals with Biblical practices as provided in 2 Cor.
In fact, the planting of Christianity resulted in the emergence of multiple strategies to compete with indigenous religious cleansing rituals. Some of the Weh Christian converts began adopting Christian ways of puriication from sin. To add, they began taking their seeds to church for blessing before planting and conducted harvest thanksgivings when the crops were ready. In an interview with the Keum Chief Priest, Moses Kum, he observed that puriication rituals have lost their communal and absolute status given that some Christians refuse to take part in the rituals.
But as earlier postulated, some of the transformations undergone by cleansing rituals are also fed by internal indigenous processes. Thus, a replacement mechanism had to be created if the ritual was to be sustained. Consequently, Weh indigenes that were recruited into the Cameroon army had to be cleansed upon their retirement.
In the present context, therefore, the Ifa ritual experts are mostly ex-servicemen. Geary goes on to note that the dificulty of inding people who have been involved in the shedding of human blood pushed the Weh to borrow an invention of the Aghem and Esu for membership into the Ndau Ifa. They now consider the shedding of blood of big game leopards, buffalos and pythons reserved for the Fon as a means of achieving membership in Ndau Ifa. The theoretical debate on ritual change can also inform the analysis of Weh pollution rituals.
This conforms with the submission of ritual scholars that pollution rituals along with the cultures underpinning them are not rigid and stagnant. Hence, Weh pollution rituals were sensitive to change since they were continually modiied or enriched by the forces that brought them into existence as well as those emanating from other cultures.
But the cleansing rituals have survived the competition from Christian approaches and changing indigenous processes that have hunted them since the inception of colonial rule. Scholars of African traditional religions observe that ritual practices continue to play vital roles in communities across the continent in spite conversion to Christianity and persistent western inluences. Some Weh people still strongly believe in their religion and see the cleansing rituals as an important inheritance from their forebears. The rituals have remained useful in the removal of impurities among the Weh.
Just like elsewhere, there are many Weh people who still hold traditional religious cleansing rituals with great regard. This continuing signiicance of Weh cleansing rituals is due to the fact that they are so entrenched that external forces have been unable to dismantle. In June , for instance, I participated in a Keum ritual that was performed when a ive-year old boy drowned in a pit full of water.
The blood bath in Dzu Wai was a crowd-pulling cleansing ceremony. Weh cleansing ritual practices have therefore outlived Christian missionary efforts to introduce new ways to remove impurities in individuals and community. Conclusion This study aimed at examining the myriad cleansing rituals of the Weh which resulted from their intellectual acumen and creative capacity.
These cleansing ritual practices which are solidly built in the Weh traditional religion fall into three categories: It is revealed in this study that these religious puriication rituals were communal and absolute before the colonial encounter. The imposition of colonization in Weh, like elsewhere in Africa, provided the potential for western forces, Christianity speciically, to permeate the Weh culture. This resulted in the introduction of competitive ways of removing impurities among the Weh. It was in this context of persistent western inluences that Weh cleansing rituals gradually lost their communal and absolute status.
But there were some changes that were provoked by internal indigenous processes. Overall, the paper submits that in spite western competitive forces and indigenous transformative processes, Weh ritual practices are still relevant in the removal of impurities. This is certainly because there are many Weh people who still hold traditional religious cleansing rituals with great regard. In the present context of religious freedom and pluralism, as I have argued elsewhere, it is imperative to roll back the continuing assaults on traditional religions in Cameroon by practitioners of Christianity.
Endnotes 1 Read Anne Hutchings. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. Oxford University Press; B. Death Studies, 22; Ayodeji J. November ; Ronald L. A Sociology of Religion. Fourth Edition, New Jersey: Culture and Customs of Cameroon. Fowla, Ian and Zeitlyn, David eds. Intersections between History and Anthropology in Cameroon; pp. Ibadan Journal of Religious , 32 Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge University Press; Mary Douglas.
An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo.
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Generally, the spread of the Western culture in Africa through the colonial enterprise introduced new patterns of social interaction and beliefs. In some societies, this came with attractive alternatives to pollution beliefs and rituals. As Kamwaria and Katola conirm in their study on the Dinka in Southern Sudan, the ancestors continue to be part of the family and are part and parcel of all the things that occur in the community.
These authors have asserted that the northwestern grassields represent a socio-cultural continuum evidenced by cultural similarities. They suggestively attribute this cultural homogeneity to sustained human interaction that resulted in the mutual borrowing of institutions and ritual practices and beliefs. Betoto, Joseph Ebune Douglas, Mary and Islam, Syed Manzoorul East West Journal of Humanities, 3: Kah, Henry Kam East West Journal of Humanities 3: Kamwaria, Alex and Katola, Michael Mbaku, John Mukum This article examines the role of women in traditional politics and conlict adjudication in the centralized states of the Bamenda Grassields of Cameroon.
The article asserts that women were very engaged actors of the administrative machinery of the various chiefdoms and illustrates that they provided services at different levels in the day to day functioning of palace administration. They adjudicated in issues of conlicts as well as ensured the respect for social justice. The study employs the Anlu association in the chief- dom of Kom Cameroon as one of the critical case evidences to re-evalu- ate, the position women occupied in the topography of power in indigenous African societies.
From more womanist than feminist perspective, the article argues that, the Bamenda Grassields women were not passive subjects, but agents capable of initiating and and transforming policies and ideologies in their respective chiefdoms. Cameroon women, traditional politics, centralized societies, Bamenda Grassields. That is, these communities consisted of groups of people who felt that they had a common ancestor, culture, religion, territory and government.
Power or divine rights were fully attributed to the traditional authority, locally known as Fon who acted as the custodian of the village. Any leopard caught in any kingdom belonged to the Fon and was brought to him. It was a taboo to call the Fon by name, touch him and to talk to him directly. The Fon had the responsibility of maintaining peace and stability in their Fondoms while the people had the moral obligation of supporting them. On the other hand, women played vital functions in traditional governance and diplomacy in different villages.
The article ex- amines the role of women in traditional politics in the Bamenda Grassields within a deined conceptual context. Conceptual Scope At present, two tendencies dominate the deinition of woman, the bi- ological approach preached by naturalists and the socio-anthropological ap- proach which favours the role and social status of the woman. In a sexualized sense, women are human beings of the female sex, which is the sex that gives birth.
Such a biological approach is more and more integrated to a more global and operational one, the so called socio-anthropo- logical approach. The socio-anthropological approach deinition of the wom- an puts an emphasis on her social role and status and on her social existence. Here, the woman is known as an actor in the same capacity as man. Thus, one thinks of the woman in a multidimensional view by going beyond the classical opposition between the domestic and the political, and integrating the feminine dimension in the global understanding of society.
Roles and status refer back in each socio-cultural milieu to a world of representations, which is itself inherent in a conception and vision of the world. One does not happen without the other. The bi- ological and the social are linked. They inluence each other and, sometimes, determine each other. The position held by women in the traditional milieu is somehow complex, ambivalent and controversial. The social norms that deine the roles and social status assign to them an inferior position to the man.
It is through the institutions and the systems of representations that the contradiction is revealed. It is inherent to the dynamics of power in the traditional societies. The study privileges the socio-anthropological approach. The socio-anthropological perspective enables us to sketch out an operation- al categorization of women in Cameroon and in the Bamenda Grassields in particular.
The endeavour to deine, to categorize, or to draw a typology of Cam- eroonian women has certainties and uncertainties. With certainty, it is known that the Cameroonian woman is a complex and diversiied reality. There is not a unique category or type of woman in Cameroon.
There are many, ac- cording to their social origins, their training, their professions, their marital status and their area of life. In so far as they are social creations, they are moving, dynamiting and changing. In a certain milieu, a woman can valorize her peas- ant identity and in another, display her professional status, whether public or private, all being done in relation to the interests at stake in a given situation or to her personal expectations.
In the frame of this study, we have made an operational choice that takes into account the living place of the woman and her matrimonial status. The category of woman considered here is the one who lives in the rural zone or in a partially urban zone, whether married, unmarried, widowed or divorced. In the Bamenda Grassields context, it is the women who occupied crucial positions in the traditional politics of their polities.
This choice is not only operational, but is also ideological. A variety of methods are employed in administration, which include promoting political views among people, negotiating with other political subjects, making laws, and exercising force, including warfare against adver- saries. Administration is exercised at different social levels: In this system, the Fon stood at the forefront of the administration. He often, even in abso- lute monarchies, ruled his Fondom with the aid of an elite group of advisors, with some of the strategic members coming from the female folk.
It came to be called the Bamenda Grassields at the dawn of German penetration into the region due to its ex- tensive grassy vegetation cover. The area is characterised by exposed ridges, shrubbery trees and forest galleries along the river valleys. Women in Traditional Administration In most communities in the Bamenda Grassields, women were rep- resented in traditional administration by the Queen mother known as Yaa, Maya-a, Nafoin, No-ntok, and Mafor.
Like the Fons, they never went to public places or freely asso- ciated with other women of the same community. In most societies in Africa, the Queen mother was forbidden by customs to see or touch any corpse as that could deile her and reduce her spiritual powers. In many cases , for a woman to be appointed to the social rank of Mafor or the village queen, she had to be the mother or sister of the Chief. Some consultations were often done among some of the councillors and some of the palace women before appointing the Mafor.
The consultations consisted of a critical evaluation of her character in relation to the post she was to be given. The post of Mafor had little political inluence in Meta and her inluence was felt more within the palace than within the village. Oral sources from Meta clan revealed that pre-colonial Meta was ruled mostly by a Council of Elders. Some names like Nung and Muyang have often been inluential women such as the Mafors. In her administrative func- tions, the Mafor was in charge of settling disputes among the village women and was often called up in the council of elders when there was a serious mat- ter to discuss concerning women.
They equally played the role of advisers to the councillors, by virtue of their age and experience. Through the Mafor, a person who had been condemned by the council to death could plead for clemency. Also, dissatisied litigants solicited the services of the Mafor to plead to the council to re-sit and review their litigations. Her functions became more signiicant in the development of chieftaincy and close to her were the errand boys who were also serving the council.
In the Wimbum land of the Donga-Mantung plateau, women equal- ly took hold of strategic positions of responsibility in the administration of their villages. The Maya-a co-gent was the highest female personality in the village. She was enthroned before a new Fon could be enthroned. The Bkinto could not mingle carelessly with any group of women or attend public markets. The wives of the palace notables pkibai called pwiba were equal- ly highly respected. There were other important notables in the land who worked closely with the female traditional authorities in the village.
These were the Tantoh and the Shey. The Tantoh and the Shey were the leaders of the manjong society. They deliberated over issues ranging from defense and the peace and order of the Fondom including the development projects. Unlike the case in Bafut, they were permitted to attend the village council sessions and apprehended the defaulters of the laws of the land. Thus, when a conlict de- generated into armed violence, an appeal would usually be made to a third party of mature years which could be elderly women to calm the tension and reconcile the com- batants.
Such an appeal for mediation was usually made to a woman who enjoyed the consideration and respect of all who knew her. When words proved fruit- less, the women would threaten to expose their nakedness or to go down on their knees. In either case, the gesture signiied a curse for those who bore the responsibility for such grave acts.
Because of the respect that the enemy sol- diers had for the women, they would usually put down their weapons before the cordial acts were accomplished. Following investi- gations in the same area of our study, oral sources from Aghem, Kom, Oku and Bafanji testify that this act was predominant with women from their re- spective communities.
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They served as leverages in peace restoration and conlict prevention when conlicts erupted in families, clans or commu- nities in which they were bonded. In this connection, women of the Bamenda Grassields played both an active and a passive role in the restoration of peace in traditional Bamen- da.
This was what happed within the framework of pacts, for example. As noticed in pre-colonial Bamenda, a pact usually operated in the resolution of a conlict caused by the murder of a clan member. When required, a female mediator was quickly sent to the family of the victim. They held a meeting and chose the prettiest girl of marriageable age to give to the opposing clan as a token of peace. That blood pact put an immediate and inal end to the conlict, as the girl married to one of the heroes of the enemy village now became the link between her parents and the parents of her husband.
The marriage itself con- stituted an inviolable alliance between the villages involved in the conlict. This was because women had always been considered to be inviolate. As such, they were shielded from war-related violations. In times of inter-tribal wars, women were the only ones who could move across the zones of conlict freely without much danger. It were women who studied the situation, assessed the prospects for peace and facilitated contacts and com- munication between the two warring parties.
The Bamenda Grassielders are careful as to whom they should choose as a peace envoy. Those selected are required to possess a wide variety of qualities and competencies, including a sense of responsibility, patience, good personality, oratory abilities, decency, just to name but these. They were equally expected to be well versed with customary law, and were required to possess a well-informed knowledge of the problem at stake. They carried messages of peace and reconciliation, and they mobi- lized and encouraged the forces of peace from both sides.
When the real cause or causes of the war were igured out, the aggressors acknowledged their mistakes, submitted themselves to mediation and accepted the verdict. When a very critical issue was to be deliberated upon, the Queen Mother, known as nafoyn, zhehfuai, or mafo in the Kom, Laimbwe ,and Bamileke ethnic groups respectively, would summon the women elders of the different quarters and families to a meeting. During this meeting, they examined the issue and made suggestions for correc- tion or improvement.
Following on the heels of the meeting of these women elders there was a general assembly of women to discuss the practical implementation of decisions taken by the elders. Il propose deux ren- dez-vous quotidiens: Du 15 au 17 juillet. Un, deux, trois… Bazar! C h oeur prendre. Du 24 juin au 4 juillet, Cour Charles Flottes. Une femme ne dort plus de- puis 17 nuits. Les Temps forts du in: Du 8 au 10 juillet. Tous les temps forts: A voir du 28 juin au 2 juillet: Du 28 juin au 2 juillet.
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