On the day before that date the carpenter Francisco "Patxi" Goicoechea of Ataun had a vision in which the Virgin said that time would be up after seven days. People understood this statement variously to mean that the miracle would take place on the sixteenth or the eighteenth. On the fourteenth Patxi again referred to a time span un turno elapsing, and an eleven-year-old boy from Urretxu heard the Virgin say that she would say what she wanted on the eighteenth.
On the twelfth and sixteenth of July there were massive audiences of hopeful pilgrims. The newspapers reported hundreds of seers on the twelfth, but on neither day was there a miracle of any kind. On the seventeenth the Zumarraga parish priest told a reporter he would rather talk the next day: Maybe a spring will suddenly appear, or a great snowfall. The Zumarraga priest's hopes in print set the stage for a day of record attendance on July 18, which the press estimated at eighty thousand persons. No miracle occurred on the eighteenth.
But Patxi heard the Virgin say she would work them in the future, and a girl heard her say that she would not show herself to everyone because people were bad; so hope for a miracle continued. On July 23 Ramona heard the Virgin affirm that she would work. When Starkie was in Ezkioga, around July 28, he found local people and outsiders in a kind of suspense, waiting for a sign.
On July 30 the Virgin, ratifying what most persons had already concluded, declared through Ramona that "miracles were not appropriate yet. The political-religious problems of , which seem to have determined the immediate positive response to the visions, were not only pressing but also collective in nature, so help from the Virgin had to be collective as well.
Difficult times, times of trial, sorrowful omens; disquieting doubts, bitter disillusions, anguished fright, ears and eyes that open to reality, at last. And in this disarray, with spirits cowed, the mind goes blank, confusion grows, and the already general malaise spreads. The writer also proposed a solution: The simple and plain folk have understood that we are in the midst of a sea of dangers, that the hurricane wind tells us that we are two steps away from the most terrible storm, from which we will hardly be able to emerge without divine help; and in sacrifice they have gone to the feet of the Virgin to pray for Spain, the Basque Country, and for the town.
At Ezkioga the Basque people "turned their eyes to God" and went "to the feet of the Virgin" to pray for collective help in a way perhaps more literal than these writers expected but in a way they and others had already marked. The first hint that the visions would address this need came in the Bilbao republican paper El Liberal on July The correspondent from Elgoibar reported:. When on their return from Ezquioga these people arrive in town, they won't let you get by them. Some say they have seen the virgin [ sic ] with the Statute of Estella under her arm; others claim that what she has under her arm are the fueros , without a sword.
They tell us, and they won't stop, that the aforesaid virgin has a complete wardrobe of outfits of different colors, and that at her side are two rose-colored angels. Is it possible that this occurs in the twentieth century, when Spanish newspapers cross the border and carry news of Spain to the rest of the world? The Liberal correspondent may have made up the part about the Statute of Estella the statute of autonomy that the rightist coalition supported and the fueros the traditional laws of the Basque Country and Navarra that the central government abrogated in the nineteenth century.
But in any case the article pointed to political issues that the right as well as the left expected the visions to address. On 8 July , writing from his hometown of Ezkioga, Engracio de Aranzadi described the first visions and suggested what they could mean. Aranzadi was a successor to Sabino Arana as the ideologue of the Basque Nationalist Party, a frequent contributor to Euzkadi , and a relative of Antonio Pildain, the deputy in the Cortes and canon of Vitoria. Aranzadi's words carried great weight in the movement, and the apparitions were almost literally in his front yard.
Aranzadi began by stating that the supernatural and the natural orders were particularly close in the Basque Country. For the Basques, he said, there was "harmony between spiritual and national activities, between religion and the race. In the recent election the Basques alone had stood up to the Republicans and Socialists. While in the rest of Spain candidates on the right had played down their religion, in Navara and Gipuzkoa the candidates had proudly proclaimed their Catholicism.
Aranzadi argued against Basques who favored an alliance with the Second Republic at the expense of their Catholic identity and he referred to the Nationalist cause as a religious crusade beneath the "two-crossed" Basque flag: For God and fatherland on one side, and against God and the fatherland on the other…. And to our aid heaven comes.
It seems to seek to invigorate our faith, which is attacked by alien impiety. May it not be that heaven seeks to comfort the spirit of Basques loyal to the faith of the race? May it not be that heaven seeks to strengthen the people, ever faithful to their religious convictions, in the face of imminent developments?
Is it so strange, given the path we believers have taken, that to the calls of a race, of a nationality which with its blood has sealed the sincerity of its faith, a response should come from above with the help that we seek? Aranzadi expressed the belief of many Nationalists that Mary supported the Basques against the Republic. For instance, the pro-Nationalist weekly Argia 's first article on the apparitions concluded, "God has great good will toward the Basque people. The Virgin was preparing the Basques for a civil war. On July 14 Patxi saw the Virgin with a severe expression bless the four cardinal points with a sword.
Leftist newspapers, which until then had made fun of the visions, quickly asked the government to intervene. Rightist papers countered that the visions were harmless and that it was natural that the Virgin, who as the Sorrowing Mother had a sword through her heart, should use the sword to make a blessing.
On July 16 Patxi saw an angel give the Virgin a sword. The Virgin, holding a Christ with a bloody face, wept. Allegories of justice and vengeance continued on successive days. On July 17 a nineteen-year-old girl from Pasaia also saw the Virgin with a sword and a man saw the Virgin threaten him with her hand.
Patxi began to reveal matters that reporters decided not to print: But the press described ever more explicit tableaux. On July 18 the Virgin blessed the audience with a sword, which she then gave to the attending angels.
At first the Catholics would suffer severely and lose many men, but ultimately they would triumph with the help of twenty-five angels of Our Lady. Starkie also described the mood of monarchist pilgrims expecting momentarily an uprising in Navarra against the Republic. They encouraged, supported, and chauffeured selected seers. The theme of imminent war became a permanent part of the visions.
On August 6 or 7 Juana Ibarguren of Azpeitia saw the Dolorosa with sword in hand, a river of blood, and Saint Michael the Archangel with a squad of angels running quickly along the mountaintops, as if fending off some invisible enemy. Carlist as well as Nationalist newspapers reported the tableaux of celestial wars. Engracio de Aranzadi notwithstanding, Basque autonomy was less an issue in the press reports on the visions than the mobilization of Spaniards in general. Indeed, as early as the morning of July 9, a rumor circulated to the effect that the Virgin had said to the child seers, "Save Spain.
We know of these shouts because of the outrage they provoked in the Basque Nationalist Euzkadi. A priest writing on July 15 knew it was a "complete lie" that the Virgin would say to save Spain, and a week later a correspondent complained bitterly:. Why didn't they go and put out the fires in the convents they burned in Madrid and Seville? Because of the turn toward the salvation of Spain by some seers, some of the audience, or the prayer leaders, most Euzkadi reporting was cool and reserved from mid-July.
Simultaneously, Carlists throughout Spain became more interested. On July 24 a writer in La Constancia asserted that the visions had produced a sensation in the entire nation and he hoped for church approval, as at Lourdes and Fatima. This paper was the Catholic daily of the diocesan seat and, with the church hierarchy reticent about the visions, Heraldo had ignored the story.
Echarri's piece was the equivalent for Spanish Catholics of that of Aranzadi for Basque Nationalists, a kind of ideological blueprint for the visions. She herself had twice witnessed the movement of the eyes of the Christ of Limpias and thought Our Lady of Lourdes had converted her brother on his deathbed, so she was attentive to supernatural events. Some ask why that sword in her hand. God has his mysteries. And that this justice the Lord has held back and placed in the hands of the most holy Virgin, so she will spare us from it if we know how to make reparation, do penance, expiate….
On August 13 the deputy Antonio de la Villa, a journalist from Extremadura, denounced the political drift of the visions in the Constituent Cortes, charging a conspiracy. The cover of the anticlerical magazine La Traca reflected his analysis. Most deputies in the Cortes did not take him seriously, but by attributing political significance to the visions, de la Villa had much in common with the ideologues of the Basque press and with some of the seers.
His speech produced no action against Ezkioga. But the government was already aware both of Carlist paramilitary organizations and of contacts between Basque Nationalists and monarchist military officers. On August 22 it shut down all rightist newspapers in the north and sent troops on exercise through the countryside. The apparitions at Ezkioga evoked an enthusiastic response in the rural devout and the urban gentry in July because everyone recognized immediately, even before there was any explicit idea of their content, the visions' potential for resolving a crisis in competing ideologies.
Cover of anticlerical La Traca Valencia , 29 August Death to the current regime! Long live the king and the monarchy and Segura the Cardinal, the undefeated general of our brotherhood! The Basque ethnographers of the time, who were rural clergymen dedicated to preserving "traditional Catholic ambience," presented the conflict as a struggle between rural agriculture and urban industry. Industrialists, it is claimed, subsidized La Constancia and kept up the fight for traditional Basque and Navarrese legal and fiscal privileges.
Doubtless they financed much of Nationalist party activity as well. But whether Carlists, Integrists, or Nationalists promoted this patriarchal ideology against, respectively, Liberals, Freemasons and Jews, and outsiders , all knew Catholic rural culture was threatened, and the diocese of Vitoria had long since geared up to defend it. Devout Basques judged the apparitions in this context.
Most churchmen considered industrial urban society lost to atheism or liberalism. But they hoped they could yet contain the corrosive effects of these new ways of life on rural society. Carlists had been denouncing city life for one hundred years, but the success of Basque coastal resorts at the turn of the century caused additional confusion in rural areas and more defensive measures on the part of rural elites.
Hence, many of the young people of Ataun spend part of their lives in more or less close contact with the base, tavern-going mobs of the cities and see the ostentation and show of the "fine" and "elegant" public that today makes up a large effeminate caste of little brains, but which is in the forefront of style and is the prime expression of a thoughtless and sensual outlook ever more dominant in the big cities.
In the cities, he wrote with uncharacteristic luridness, "the flower of youth wilts in sumptuous orgies and … lewd old men paint their faces and dye their white hair. Even the republican newspaper called for "liberty in laws, but morality in customs. Consider one priest's analysis of the reasons for the relatively low church attendance in the factory town of Eibar. There is a total absence of family life: The clergy saw this kind of city life as a threat to the souls of rural youth.
At first glance the challenges to authority in the countryside seem trivial and incidental. For they had less to do with strikes and revolts than with family and community matters like deference, social control, and gender.
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Examples include couples' close-dancing a threat to parental control of courtship ; women's wearing more revealing clothes, riding bicycles, or staying out later at night threats to the authority of husbands or parents ; lack of deference to the priest as measured in public reverences or greetings; and lack of deference to God and. Daughters of Mary in tableau at Vitoria, February Courtesy Instituto Labayru, Derio. His clerical correspondents considered issues like close-dancing as threats to religion and to an entire way of life.
The initial reports about the Ezkioga visions show the children, returning at nightfall with milk from a farm, kneeling to pray at the ringing of the Angelus bells. Validating traditional piety, those children immediately became emblems of the Basque heartland. At this time one could see well-off girls in Vitoria dressed as farmworkers and praying the Angelus in a tableau. The Virgin thus appeared as a reward to those who kept the faith.
The connection between the visions and the Angelus was an embellishment. A woman present as a girl at the first vision, while she believes the children saw something, does not remember them kneeling, praying, or initially giving the vision much thought Felipa Aramburu, Zumarraga, 7 February and 14 May By the same token, small matters under local dispute could also be the basis for rejecting the visions in general or particular seers.
Should women be out at night? Many men decided the visions were not real because they set an example of immorality. We may suppose that this level of discernment often escaped the. Rural folk cut finer distinctions—whether one prayed on one knee or two, confessed weekly, on major feast days, or annually, and touched one's beret or took it all the way off when greeting a priest. Local people soon knew how devout seers had been prior to their visions and whether their behavior had subsequently improved. On local distinctions see AEF, , pp. The erosion of devotional practices and respect for authority was taking place above all in the younger generation, particularly among males working in factories or on military service and among females who went to work, at ages fifteen to seventeen, as servants away from home.
A young freethinker who had worked as a waiter in Paris lived three doors from the first seers. And of course the dancing issue was generational. In June in Marikina Bizkaia , for example, the town authorities fined girls who danced closely in the modern fashion el valseo or agarrado. The citations referred the girls as "delinquents" for violating collective community vows. The diocesan bulletin describes how on 29 March Jesuits giving a mission led one such vow.
It was there that P. Goicoechea, grasping the holy crucifix of the mission prior to the papal blessing, was able to ask that all, with their arms in the form of a cross, give their word to dance the agarrado no more and to preserve in pure form the traditional custom of being indoors when the Angelus is rung, and other customs that had been observed until now, and which are now seen as in danger because of the constant pressure of outsiders. One of the major battles fought by Liberals, and later Republicans and Socialists, was to relax attitudes toward sex and the body. Their correspondents chronicled the struggle in villages between the youth in favor of close-dancing and.
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In Ormaiztegi one of the issues in the changeover from an older to a younger town council in was pressure from the parish priest against close-dancing at town fiestas. Rural cinemas posed a particular challenge to the old ways, both in the movies they showed and the opportunities they offered couples for privacy. After the films on Sundays, youths from the surrounding villages stayed on for dances. For "pornography" in Urretxu theater, LC, 17 April On these issues peer pressure was the first line of defense for the church and the older generation.
The main vehicle for this pressure was the Daughters of Mary, a pious association, or sodality, for girls. In some towns the priests who directed the sodality made girls who danced the agarrado wear a purple ribbon when receiving Communion. After the girl's third offense they expelled her and confiscated her medal, as they expelled those who walked alone with boys.
Morality was the responsibility of the girls, not the boys. The church had less leverage over the boys; few of them belonged to the male sodality of San Luis Gonzaga. Given this generational conflict, the press and the general public quickly accorded adolescent and young adult seers prominence at Ezkioga. These seers were the good examples.
Some, like Patxi, who started out mocking or skeptical, were even exemplary converts. By the same token, some of the divine messages most successful with the press and the public were those that spoke to these skirmishes in the war against modern ideas and religious laxity. The first message, "Pray the rosary daily," would have been superfluous in earlier times. But already by only the more devout households, particularly on the isolated farms, were saying the prayers. And, of course, the physical presence of the Virgin, Saint Michael, and other saints at Ezkioga itself confirmed most overtly heaven's direct links to the Basques and the Spaniards.
It was especially for this purpose people wanted a miracle that would demonstrate the truth of the apparitions and, by extension, of the divinity.
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Eventually the visions persisted in spite of the bishop's denunciation and the result was the undermining of church authority. At that point, the diocese as well as the government the Republic and later the government of Francisco Franco as well persecuted the visionaries and believers. But such was not the case in the summer of , when priests stepped right in to lead the rosaries, direct the crowds, examine the visionaries, and even escort them from their home villages. In July, at least, there seemed to be an unbroken line from the divine to the Basque faithful, abetted by enthusiastic clergy, that served to confirm a way of life.
To the extent that the visions contradicted this way of life, people did not believe them. The more political messages from visionaries responded to the most grave and immediate source of the threat to Basque lines of authority, the Madrid government of the Republic. Unlike the monarchy, which even with Liberal governments maintained a certain divine connection and an alliance with local power, the secular Second Republic of was totally outside the lines of authority that ran from God to bishop to parish priest to male head of household, with ancillary lines for civil and industrial authorities.
The standing Sacred Hearts of Jesus in prominent urban locations and the enthroned ones that Spain's Catholics had in the previous decades consecrated in parish churches, town halls, factories, and households served as storage batteries along the way.
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With the burning of convents and the expulsion of the bishop of Vitoria and the primate of Spain, the Republic seemed bent on disrupting these lines and dismantling these structures. The Second Republic was not just an external enemy. Engracio de Aranzadi feared they would defect in his 8 July article. A fifth of the voters in Ezkioga had supported the Republican coalition. It was entirely conceivable that Basque youths might see the Republic as a defender of freedom of ideas and of a less restrictive sense of morality and as an ally against excesses of paternal, clerical, municipal, industrial, or male authority.
The Republic was thus also an internal enemy that aggravated the division of generations. Even in rural Gipuzkoa Starkie came across heated arguments in taverns between republicans and rightist Catholics. When he played his fiddle in nearby, equally Catholic, Castile in the summer of , both in Burgos and in remote villages young girls shouted out for him to play the Marseillaise, the anthem of liberty.
S , , The Catholics of the north, and in particular the Basques, perceived that their society and culture, once unified, was divided and under a violent attack from without which accentuated its internal divisions. This perception determined in part the way Basque Catholics tapped, defined, and interpreted the new devotional power generated by the visions of Ezkioga.
Taken as a whole, the many newspaper reports and analyses about the visions are quite revealing. A "fast" medium like daily newspapers, radio, or television as opposed to the "slow" media of pamphlets, books, and letters of, say, late-fifteenth-century Italian visions is a forum for the tacit negotiation between what is really on the minds of individuals, what material is all right to distribute, and what people want to hear. Note that from at least the fourteenth century in Europe few socially significant visions have been single events; rather, they have continued and developed over time, sometimes years, allowing for feedback even from slow media.
While word of mouth was no doubt the most effective way of. The seers of Ezkioga were well aware of the importance of the press. Many of them made friends with reporters and wanted the press to tell their story. The seers' visions no doubt converged in part because they read about each other's experiences. Moreover, information could be quickly spread by word of mouth throughout the region.
In Gipuzkoa had one of the most extensive telephone systems in all of Spain; indeed, there was a telephone office at the base of the apparition hill. The hope for a miracle created a network of friends and believers who could alert the entire region within hours. Casilda Arcelus Ormaiztegi, 9 September , the telephone operator in her town in , worked late for months, and the company had to install a bigger switchboard.
Most of the repeat seers were children or youths, who had an unparalleled chance for fame in the Basque Country, fame of the kind only the best improvisational poets, dancers, jai alai players, weight lifters, or log-splitters could hope for. And the seers were more than famous—they were important, they were part of a critical historical moment: Mary's direct intervention in their nation. These visionaries gained power so surprisingly because they could express the diffuse yearning for miraculous change or, if you will, serve as lightning rods for the divine.
In such a complex situation it is difficult to speak of individual responsibility. All who were present and hoping for apparitions had a hand in negotiating their content. On 8 July , when by all reports the Virgin was simply appearing as Dolorosa, Engracio de Aranzadi publicly surmised that she was preparing the Basques for an imminent battle.
Eventually the visions confirmed his expectations because many others, including some of the seers, shared them. In part, the onlookers' concerns reached the seers in questions for the Virgin. A reporter stated that Patxi "directed at the apparition interminable questions, which were suggested to him by those around him. For students of other places and times, the first summer of the Ezkioga visions may suggest the importance of the context in which "prophets" and charismatic leaders formulate and gradually fix their messages. In the Basque visions and movements, individual seers responded to general anxieties and hopes with what they said were God's instructions, but it seems clear that the messages were as much a consensual product of the desires of followers and the wider society as of the leaders, the prophets, or the saints.
We will therefore pay as much attention to the audience—the Greek chorus, the hagiographer, the message takers, and the message transmitters—as to the visionaries themselves. Mary's sorrowful opposition to the Second Republic was the central interest of believers and seers at the Ezkioga visions in the summer of Press and public nudged along the evolving political message in a collective fashion. Simultaneously, another process, less collective, ensured that the seers produced messages for particular constituencies. Socially powerful organizers sought divine backing for various programs. After the summer of their projects absorbed much of the seers' attention.
Reporters tired of the same seers and the same messages. In any event the seers lost their forum. For the government, fearing a rightist military uprising, suspended most newspapers in the north on August This decline in publicity coincided with the Radical Socialist Antonio de la Villa's attack on the visions in parliament and military exercises in the area.
For whatever reason, the visionaries subsequently shied away from overt political messages. Diaries, letters, books, and circulars by literate believers are our main sources for the following months and years. They show the extent to which the visions, like those at Limpias a decade earlier, served as a sounding board for movements and new devotions within Spanish Catholicism. This is not surprising. Catholics came to Ezkioga from all of Spain and southern France, many of them with prior agendas. A large number of visionaries continued to provide messages of great variety.
Many seers were open to suggestion. Highly literate emissaries from the urban world of devotional politics latched onto particular rural visionaries or were actively sought out by them. This kind of symbiosis points us toward the mystical side of these Catholic movements and to principles governing alliances across boundaries of class, gender, age, and culture. The next three chapters recount the principal alliances of promoters and seers. Pressure from the increasingly hostile diocese, counsel from spiritual directors, and rivalry among seers and among promoters affected these alliances.
Seers attempted to convince observers. Observers had to decide whom to believe. Or, if observers believed in several, they had to decide who had the most important messages. Those believers who sought to influence or to gain inside information from seers had to win them in some way. Believers drove the most convincing seers to the site, gave them gifts, and spread their vision messages. Over time, as these seers gained an ample public, they tended to address issues that were more general—at first political and later apocalyptic.
Coming from the most convincing seers, such dramatic messages more easily passed the severe scrutiny they provoked. At the other end of the spectrum, the less theatrical, less convincing visionaries nonetheless each had a band of followers called a cuadrilla which principally included persons who had known the seer previously—friends, family members, and neighbors—and who therefore trusted the seer.
These less virtuosic visionaries spent more time attending to the spiritual and practical needs of constituents with less ideological interests. As the popularity of the visions as a whole rose or fell, individual seers might move from one mode of response to another. A number of seers, when they started, addressed personal questions. When they became more popular, they supplied a more general public with news about political developments and the Last Judgment. If the visions then lost favor and only die-hard supporters remained, the seers responded once again to believers' personal needs.
Such relationships between seers and critical believers have affected the lives and work of virtually all Catholic mystics who achieved fame, for what is at stake is fame itself. Promoters are critically important for seers whose access to literate, urban culture can only be achieved through others. We know the nobleman. Francis of Assisi primarily through the eyes of those around him. As we look at particular learned believers and their contacts with particular seers, we gradually become aware of a far more general process by which the parties creatively combine suggestion and inspiration.
Francis see Kleinberg, Prophets. The first, crucial link between visionaries and influential believers was between the girl from Ezkioga who was the first seer and the parish priest of Zumarraga, Antonio Amundarain Garmendia. Apparitions with a broad public appeal can be halted with ease only at the very start. The parish priest, usually the first authority to deal with the matter, is of utmost importance. If he is indecisive or reacts positively, the visions can build up momentum before newspapers and diocesan officials notice them.
So it was fortunate for the Ezkioga visions that the girl seer found her way to Amundarain, a clergyman influential in the diocese and fascinated by mystical experiences. Amundarain heard about the Ezkioga visions from the woman who brought him milk. Antonia Etxezarreta, then twenty-three years old, had found out from Primitiva Aramburu, who brought milk from the farmhouse nearest the site of the visions.
Primitiva had heard about them from her sister Felipa, who had been with the girl and her brother when they had their first vision. At the rectory she presented the girl to a curate she trusted and liked. He was inclined to dismiss the matter, but it was Amundarain who was in charge. The next day, July 2, when Antonia brought the milk, Amundarain had her tell him what had happened and that evening he went to observe the visions.
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Amundarain's past and character are vital to this tale. They explain why he did not dismiss the visions but instead nursed them into a mass phenomenon in the first week. A priest with intense energy and drive, Amundarain was a born organizer who was also a photographer, musician, and author of religious dramas. In Zumarraga he supervised six clergymen and three houses of nuns.
As in the case of other seers who are or who may be alive at the time of this writing, I do not refer to the original brother and sister by name. Antonia Etxezarreta, the milkmaid who connected the first seer with Antonio Amundarain. Antonio Amundarain Garmendia, One of his brothers was a Franciscan missionary in South America, a nephew became a priest, and two nieces were nuns.
Amundarain himself was a Carlist-Integrist. Occasionally he contributed to Argia and La Constancia. He read standing up so as not to enjoy the activity too much or waste time. Antonio Amundarain and the priests of his movement were opposed to the subsequent Basque Nationalist alliance with the Republic. In the s this fact colored the attitude toward him of many men in Zumarraga and of the many priests sympathetic to the Nationalist cause.
Amundarain's first post had been as chaplain to the Mercedarian Sisters of Charity in Zumarraga from to and directing female religious remained his true calling. The Mercedarian Sisters came to know the Aliadas well; numerous Aliadas joined the order and the sisters helped to set up Aliada centers in the towns where they had houses.
Amundarain eventually wrote a history of the order. In the next two years the lay order quintupled in size, spreading to most Spanish regions. In the Basque Country Aliadas were established mainly in the provincial capitals, but there were centers in six other towns, including Zumarraga. Each section had a local spiritual director, so in Amundarain had a network of priests with whom he was in close contact.
At that time the Basque Aliadas were largely from kaleak , the town centers. For all of the Aliadas Amundarain was a charismatic figure. With this order Amundarain worked to preserve women frrom corupt modern society, especially its sexual side. And he tried to ensure that these women at least would not make modern society more corrupt.
Some women have told me that in those years in the confessional he concentrated heavily on the sins of impurity. And in this sense the Alianza was an extreme expression of a reigning preoccupation. Even for his time, Amundarain's religion was stern and rigorous. Yet this was also a Catholicism bound to the profane world it opposed.
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The Aliadas themselves were a defense against the enemy of God. As Amundarain wrote in early , the Alianza was an army of virgins, "of victim souls, a host of love, an oasis of purity, a legion of chaste Judiths and valiant Jeannes d'Arc. We see him posed in photographs with the Aliadas. They retreated to the high. They considered the urban working class almost irredeemably lost.
For Amundarain only supernatural help could soften the hardened heart and regain those lost to the church. To maintain and deepen the faith of practicing Catholics, Amundarain placed great value in the spiritual exercises of Ignacio de Loyola. These were a directed series of prayers and meditations with vivid use of the imagination to draw people out of the everyday world and focus their minds and emotions on the life, passion, and resurrection of Christ.
He himself performed the exercises annually. When he went to Zumarraga in , he held them first for teenage girls, then for boys, and in early for adult men and women. No parish priest in the diocese made more energetic use of the exercises at this time; at least no one else published the statistics in the diocesan bulletin. When Amundarain brought parishioners to the Ezkioga visions, they were well prepared in spiritual imagination. Amundarain also promoted local shrines. A devotee of the Virgin of Aranzazu and a leader of pilgrimages to Lourdes, in Zumarraga he composed a hymn to the local devotion of Our Lady of Antigua and began an annual novena at her ancient shrine above the town.
In June he dedicated the novena to atonement for the burning of religious houses, and an Aliada present remembers him saying when they came to the Litany, "Now, with great devotion, put your arms in the form of the cross. In early he published in the Alianza journal excerpts of a message from a French mystic nun. In we find Amundarain passing out the first Spanish pamphlet about the apparitions of Fatima. There he sang "Izar bat [A Star]," a hymn. That year a church commission considering the beatification of his uncle had interviewed him for three days.
One sticking point for the commission was precisely Antonio Amundarain's enthusiasm for the visions. Other priests, family members, friends, and the people of Zumarraga describe Amundarain as righteous, rigid, discreet, and extremely pious. He traveled throughout the diocese to give sermons and was famous as an effective confessor. By he was a leader among the clergy who knew how to act with energy and authority.
His presence gave the visions a credibility and legitimacy they would otherwise have lacked. We can follow much of Amundarain's involvement at Ezkioga in the press. He took the first seers to find the exact spot where the Virgin appeared, led the rosary, managed the news that reached the crowd, confided to a reporter his hope for a miracle, and retained the children's declarations in written form. On July 28, a month after the first visions, he instructed the public, through the newspapers, how to behave at the site, as if the Ezkioga hillside was his parish church.
This note provoked a public rebuke from the diocese. Thereafter Amundarain kept a lower profile and let his subordinates lead the vision prayers.
In correspondence and in the Alianza journal Amundarain revealed some of his more private thoughts and hopes about the visions. Tell the sisters to pray a lot …" To an ally in Vitoria he wrote on July The Virgin cannot abandon us. One seer told the Aliadas afterward:. The Virgin was down close. I have never seen her so low, almost touching the ground and in the midst of the Sisters. She wore her black mantle very loose, and let her white interior tunic be seen, tied at the waist with a white cord, and showing the tips of her bare feet, and with a very pleasant and happy expression on her lovely face, and with a very sweet voice she spoke … and said that she was very pleased with the Alianza, and that the Sisters have much, much confidence in her, and her powerful protection will guard the Obra.
I thank the then director general of the Alianza, Andrea Marcos, for her help. To this message he added, "Can this be true, my little Sisters? Amundarain believed the first seers. He then turned to others, like Ramona. Of course, it is an obvious date to select, because most people believe that the next millennium begins then. This will trigger a massive six-month war that will cause the deaths of millions of people.
There will be a vicious cycle of storms and earthquakes that lead to the final battle the world has awaited. On AUG, the time of an eclipse of the sun, he will ake himself known to the world. According to the latest interpretation of Biblical prophecy by the Branch Davidian sect, 5 months of major torment will begin as the sixth seal is fulfilled. Pope John XXIII predicted in that visitors from outer space will arrive in chariots of flaming steel and will share heir advanced knowledge with humanity. Our life span will be increased to years or longer. Most diseases will be wiped out. The group believes that a nuclear war will destroy parts of Earth in Their search was unsuccessful.
The website Calendersign lists a number of astronomical events that will happen as the millennium closes. There has always been an association between such alignments and momentous events in the mind of the public. Starting in late , the following will be observed: This also occurred in 7 BCE and is thought by some to be the star that some of the Gospels mentioned as leading the three wise men to Jesus. He was responsible for founding the Church on a shifting, sandy beach of hypocrisy. On 25 th March, God is expected to broadcast a commercial on Channel 18 in Garland.
He will then be reincarnated into a man on MAR at They expect to draw a crowd of about one million who want to be touched by God. News reports from Taiwan indicated that the group plans to commit mass suicide if God does not appear. These appear to be unfounded. Since the earth spins like a gyroscope, this would take an enormous amount of energy to achieve. That could, in turn, cause very serious, worldwide tidal waves, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. The famous psychic Edgar Cayce predicted that a secret, underground chamber would be discovered between the paws of the Great Sphinx.
Inside, there will be documents revealing the history of Atlantis. This revelation will trigger the Second Coming of Christ. This prediction is rather interesting, because two independent studies have revealed that there is in fact an underground structure just where Cayce said it would be! Centro is a very active religious organization, largely centered in the Philippines. They predict that the world will come to an end in They recommend that their followers retreat to safe places.
Spokesperson Madame Vredeau predicts: Prophets and saints will appear and lead the faithful to safety — The oceans will shrink. Crops will fail; there will be massive starvation — Widespread emotional and mental collapse; increase in crime and violence — Changing weather patterns; basic laws of nature will be disrupted — Satanic demons will appear in broad daylight.
War, pestilence, a worldwide plague — Mankind will disappear around the year CE. This will submerge the Scandinavian countries and Britain under water, in what is termed the Armageddon Flood. Siberia will be spared. He expects that aliens will intervene and lead the world into the fourth dimension. Right now, these aliens are on earth, but in hiding. If we completely believed in them, we would get lazy. So they are clever. They stay hidden in the fourth dimension and only show themselves from time to time.
The 29th July issue of the Weekly World News reported that the biggest end of the World scare since the Cuban missile crisis was circulating through Washington. President Clinton called a secret meeting with leading Bible scholars for the week of 27 th July. A confidential Pentagon memo sparked the scare; it predicts a worldwide cataclysm of unprecedented proportions. This is a small piece of real estate that is the most sacred spot in the world to Jews, and one of the most sacred to Muslims.
Previous attempts had failed either because of riots, or police action. There was one report that they were going to try to airlift the stone by helicopter this time. On October 20th, several thousand police officers were deployed throughout Jerusalem; they successfully prevented access to the Temple Mount.
They are following the age-old tradition of looking for signs in the heavens for the arrival of the Antichrist, return of Christ, etc. Ancient prophecies told of heavenly events and even a cross in the sky in advance of momentous developments. Millar and Wadsworth have predicted the arrival of the Antichrist on April 10th. Dan suggested that we watch news from the Vatican and from Jerusalem on that day, because he expects some sort of coup by the Antichrist. One heavenly indicator is the intersection by two comets of the star Algol in the constellation Perseus.
Comets Hyakutake and Hale-Bopp intersected the star on the same date April 11 on two adjacent years Hyakutake in and Hale-Bopp in They intersect between the eyes of the Medusa head that Perseus is holding in his left hand. The head is known as Rosh Satan the head of Satan in Hebrew. There will be one further heavenly sign: The Vortex of the Star of David religious sect of Luskville, Quebec was quoted as predicting the end of the world on Saturday, March 8th. He approached the Quebec police but was unable to get them to take any action.
A spokesperson for the sect stated that they do not have a doomsday scenario. This would make the time interval between the creation of the world and a common estimate of the birth of Christ to be precisely years. Some people believe that Ussher fudged the data to make it come out neatly.
He also estimated that the end of the world would occur exactly years later, in the fall of Carmel to Ranch Apocalypse, because of his belief that the Final all-encompassing battle of Armageddon mentioned in the Bible would start at the Branch Davidian compound. They had calculated that the end would occur in After a day standoff, on April 10th 76 members died as a result of a deliberately set fire.
Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, Guru of the Rajneesh movement predicted a massive destruction on earth, including natural disasters and man-made catastrophes. Floods larger than any since Noah, extreme earthquakes, very destructive volcano eruptions, nuclear wars etc. Again this cannot be called a false prophet because all the things that Bhagwan predicted Can still come true ….
Weird thing is that in the prophecies of Nostradamus and in the Revelations there are signs of a comet hitting the earth … Also Ronald Weinland writes about the destruction of the United States, soon after the opening of the 7th seal that would be opened last year in , but okay … So maybe David Bergs prophecy will still come true. Russia Plans Invasion United States. Some of the Prophecies of Our Lady of the Roses are fast becoming a reality.
One of the latest articles: Apr 11, — Obama says Nuclear terrorism is the single biggest threat to U. KGB defector Colonel Stanislav Lunev testified to the presence of small briefcase-sized nuclear devices that have been smuggled into the United States, awaiting a future date when they will be used by KGB agents. Following are excepts as taken from Newsmax, January 25, Los Angeles — Stanislav Lunev, the highest-ranking Soviet spy ever to defect, warned members of Congress Monday a pre-emptive nuclear strike by Russia on American soil is a real possibility.
Under federal witness protection, Lunev was escorted into the hearing room with a black bag covering his head. From behind a screen to shield him from the view of the audience, Lunev testified Soviet generals had designed a special plan for the future war against America and its allies in which special-operation forces commanders would come to the United States and other NATO countries a few days, maybe even a few hours before actual war.
He said he believes Russian military weapons are currently hidden in strategic points all across the United States and Europe for just such a purpose. Those hidden stockpiles of weapons would include portable nuclear devices, chemical and biological weapons, conventional weapons and incendiary devices, he said. Can you imagine what would happen psychologically, morally, if this weapon is detonated in a big city?
No government would want to see such a situation. About 50, to 70,, up to , people would be killed. My child, the last time We spoke to you, We told you that there was a far greater message to be given to mankind. Goldman is up to something Christopher Columbus first voyage to the New World was in In , he discovered a huge fresh water ocean with an island on it somewhere near present-day Venezuela. He and his men described it as the biblical Garden of Eden. But Columbus never told the world what they found. In the following years, Amerigo Vespucci came to the same locality and he mapped an island off of the coast of Venezuela.
The Cantino World Map is the earliest surviving map that shows Portuguese discoveries in the With three more explorations, he visited the Caribbean coasts of South America and Cen During the gold rush, Alaska is a vast land with the promise of riches. Some of these riches are sled dogs. White Fang is one of these dogs who is traded, sold, and pitted against each other.
Soon he is saved and brought to California. Can he adjust to his new home and his new family?