The main two lands later become Lithuania Minor, Nadruvia and Scalovia, had Prussian ethnic substratum. Lithuanian elements prevailed in the toponymy of the territory, though. It is possible that Nadruvia and Skalovia had changed ethnically in the process of Lithuanian penetration to and consolidation of the Baltic lands in the pre-state times.
The contacts between Nadruvian and Scalovian populations with those to the north and west, where the grand dukes of Lithuania were ruling from the 13th or the 12th century, were probably close.
Lithuania Minor
The inside Baltic migration, trading and ethnic consolidation presumably had happened since the earlier times than the German military invasion occurred. The land was probably depopulated during the warfare and the source of the regeneration of the population was internal as well as presumably major external from the neighbouring areas. The land had been resettled by the former refugees and newcomers from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
The newcomers were Lithuanians from Trakai , Vilnius voideships and Samogitia.
Lithuanian farmers used to flee to the Sudovian forest, which lain in the Trakai voivodeship , and live here without dues, what was possible until the agrarian reform of Lithuania, performed during the second half of the 16th century. The tribal areas such as Nadruvia, Scalovia, Sudovia had to some extent later coincided with the political administrative and the ethnic areas. As a distinctive ethno-cultural region, Lithuania Minor emerged during the 16th or the 15th century. The substratum of Prussian Lithuanian population comprised mostly ethnic Baltic tribes — local Old Prussians — Sambians, north Bartians, Natangians; either probably formerly Lithuanized or Prussian Scalovians and Nadruvians ; Sudovians , some Curonians and neighbouring newcomers, including returning refugees, from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: Lithuanians from the right side of the middle reaches of the Neman or Suvalkija, Samogitians , Sudovians , Prussians etc.
Colonists from the Holy Roman Empire also contributed to Lithuanian population to some extent. Prussians and Yotvingians tended to be assimilated by Lithuanians in the northern part of East Prussia, while by Germans and Poles in the southern one. Lithuanian percentage decreased to about half of population in about half of the area eastwards from Alna river and northwards from the lower reaches of Pregolya during the 18th century. Lithuanian percentage of the area was continually decreasing during the ages since the plague of — Lithuanian percentage was marginal in the southern half of the region of Lithuania Minor at that time.
There resided about thousands of Lietuvininks in East Prussia till The territory known as the main part of Lithuania Minor had been distinguished in administrative terms first as Nadrauen and Schalauen, later the names Lithuanian counties , Lithuanian Province, Prussian Lithuania or Lithuania Litauische Kreise or Litt h auen became predominant.
There were three provinces in the Duchy of Prussia overall:. The factual Prussian Lithuanian living area was broader than the administrative Lithuanian Province. Several Lithuanian-linked areas were determined on different criteria in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century by mostly German researchers Lithuanians , without doing difference between the residents of Russian Empire and of Prussia, were considered by Germans in the 19th century to be the little nation facing its end.
Therefore, the various researches on Lithuanian culture were made:. The limits of the latter Lithuanian areas were more southwest.
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Various other fragmentary demographic sources the first general census was made in and the lists of colonists of the 18th century showed the area of Lithuanian majority and the areas of considerable percentage of Lithuanians to the first half of the 18th century.
It was more southwest from the once existed administrative Lithuanian Province. The economic and especially demographic statistics had been fragmentary previous to the first general census of The accounting after the native tongue had begun since the census of — Thus, the situation of ethnic composition previous to the century is known from the various separate sources: Lithuanian and German proportion of Piliakalnis Dobrovolsk in the middle of the 18th century was determined by O. Natau on the ground of these lists. The toponymy of Prussia and its changes is also a source for situation of Lithuanians.
The nationality of the residents of the country of Lithuania Minor is best shown by the sources from the fourth decade of the 18th century. In the process of the colonization of Lithuania Minor the order to check the circumstance of the state peasants was issued. The data showed the distribution by nationalities and the number of state peasants in the Lithuanian Province. Beheim-Svarbach, who published the tabulations of the territorial distribution of Lithuanian and German villeins having their farm in all the villages and districts of Lithuanian Province.
The data from the lists of colonists, which shown their descent, was published by G. Skalveit in their researches. The ethnic Lithuanian inhabitants of Lithuania Minor called themselves Lietuvininkai other form Lietuvninkai. Baczko wrote around the end of the 18th century:. The historical sources indicate that Lietuvininkai is one of two historical ways to call all Lithuanians. In what had been the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the word lietuvis became more popular, while in Lithuania Minor lietuvininkas was preferred. Some sources used the term Lietuvininkai to refer to any inhabitant of Lithuania Minor irrelevant of their ethnic adherence.
Lithuanian population presumably grew after the wars ended with the Treaty of Melno in Lithuanians lived mostly in the rural areas. German towns were like islands in the Lithuanian Province. The area was inhabited by almost only Lithuanians until the plague of — There were not less than , persons in East Prussia, up to , of them resided in the Lithuanian Province and the Labguva district prior to the plague of — About , Lithuanians died in Lithuanian Province and Labguva district, which was 53 percent of the population of the latter area.
About , people died in the other areas of East Prussia, which overall lost about 39 percent of its population during the plague. At the end of the war, the German and Lithuanian population of the former East Prussia either fled or was expelled to the western parts of Germany. There resided about , Prussian Lithuanians in East Prussia previous to No Germanization was performed in Lithuania Minor prior to Prussian Lithuanians were affected voluntarily by German culture.
In the 20th century, a good number of Lithuanian speakers considered themselves to be Memellandish and also Germans. After the Treaty of Versailles divided East-Prussia into four parts Polish , German , Danzig , and Lithuanian , Lithuania started a campaign of Lithuanisation in its acquired region [ citation needed ] , the Memel Territory. The former language of Lietuvninkai which is very similar to standard Lithuanian is currently spoken and known by only about several hundred people who were sometime residents of Lithuania Minor.
Almost all former Prussian Lithuanians — including Lithuanian speakers — had already identified themselves with German speakers, or Prussians, by the end of the 19th century because of the influence of German culture and attitudes of the residents of East Prussia, which had been in quick progress during the 19th century.
The majority of the Lietuvininkai population has migrated to Germany, together with Germans and now lives there. Prussian Lithuanians never called themselves and their own language Samogitian. Prussians were the native and main inhabitants of the lands which later became the core lands of the Teutonic Order. After conquest and conversion to Christianity, the Prussian nobility became vassals of the Order and Germanized. The officers of the Order ceased to speak in Prussian with local inhabitants in After the extinction of the Order and the spread of the Reformation of the church, the lot of Prussians became somewhat better.
Three Reformed catechisms in the Prussian language were published between and Prussian villagers tended to be assimilated as Lithuanians in the northern half of East Prussia, and as Germans or Poles in the southern half. There were parts of East Prussia where Lithuanians and ethnic Prussians made up the majority of inhabitants. Prussian Lithuanian and German populations were the minority until the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century in the Sambia peninsula.
Later, Germans became the ethnic majority in the peninsula, while Lithuanians remained as a minority. The last Prussian speakers disappeared around the end of the 17th century. The native-born Germans who lived in Prussia since the expansion of the 13th century resided mostly in the western and southwestern parts of Duchy of Prussia and were an ethnic minority there until the 18th century. Germans were the politically dominant ethnic group in East Prussia. The percentage of Germans in Lithuania Minor was low prior to — Later, Germans became the main ethnic group of Prussia, in the number of people as well.
By , Soviets had genocided them all, whether Prussian, Lithuanian, or German; in winter the physically fit walked across the frozen bays and anyone who remained at home was eliminated. Poland controlled about one-third of East Prussia until the end of the century. By the 18th century, bordering Prussia were mostly Lithuanians on one side and Poles on the other. The process of Germanization of other ethnic groups was complex. It included direct and indirect Germanization. Old Prussians were welcomed with the same civil rights as Germans after they were converted, while the Old Prussian nobility waited to receive their rights.
There were about nine thousand farms left empty after the plague of , remedied by the Great East Colonization. Its final stage was — Germans revived the farms vacated by the plagues. Thus, the percentage of Germans increased to By , most Prussian-Lithuanians were literate and bilingual in Lithuanian and German. There was no forced Germanization, even before After Germany was unified in , Lithuanians were influenced by German culture, leading to the teaching of German in schools—a practice common throughout northern and eastern Europe.
The Germanization [ dubious — discuss ] of Lithuania accelerated in the second half of the 19th century, when German was made compulsory in the education system at all levels, although newspapers and books were freely published and church services were held in the Lithuanian language even during the German occupation of WWII. At the same time, Lithuanian periodicals were printed in the areas bordering German Prussia, such as Auszra or Varpas.
Between World Wars one and two, in the countries liberated by the Treaty of Lithuanian Brest , Russian and Jewish communists printed seditious literature in native languages until Lithuania Minor was the home of Kristijonas Donelaitis , pastor and poet and author of The Seasons , which mark the beginning of Lithuanian literature. The Seasons gave vivid depiction of the everyday life of Prussian Lithuanian country.
Lithuania Minor was an important center for Lithuanian culture, which was persecuted in Russian Empire occupied Lithuania proper.
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That territory had been slowly Polonized when being part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and was heavily Russificied while part of the Russian Empire, especially in the second half of the 19th century. They had contributed greatly to the Lithuanian national revival of the 19th century. Grand Duchy of Lithuania was occupied by Russia in and Lithuania became independent in The first time in modern times Lithuanians put eye on East Prussia was in , August 17 when so called Amber Declaration was signed.
The leaders of Lithuanian national revival expressed hope to Czar that East Prussia would be attached to autonomous Lithuania within Russian Empire. In the document East Prussia was viewed as a part of Samogitia. Lithuanian leaders viewed to Lietuvininkai people as a part of Lithuanian nation. While Prussian Lithuanians had different aspirations, [ citation needed ] Lithuanians did not look seriously to this.
Lithuania declared own independence basing on Wilsonian Self-determination right, but Lithuanian leaders did not want to use this right to Poles [ citation needed ] of Lithuania, and to Prussian Lithuanians. He then set up a practice in nearby Lahr, a small town in the western part of the Black Forest. From the beginning, Schmager found it difficult to ply his trade because of the minimal amount of work farmers were willing to provide. He thus looked for other openings to stabilise his income but here, too, encountered resistance.
His journal entries frequently feature complaints about Ferdinand Frank, the local knacker, whose network of clients, accumulated over a period of three generations, made it next to impossible to make inroads. Eventually, Schmager readily accepted a new role, offered by the town, of inspector, in which post he oversaw the vending of meat, turned in stray dogs and policed the local livestock market. He was also quick to defend his public role when Frank attempted to muscle in. Seeking collaboration with authority was, even for private practitioners, a realistic survival strategy.
Such circumstances undoubtedly explain why, from the s, veterinarians sought to make headway instead as veterinary officers, wresting control of contagious animal diseases away from their medical colleagues. One small, early success was in the investigation of mange — a contagious skin disease. Traditionally, surgeons had treated this malady, but in the state expressed its reservations about this: Such a decision, still rare at this time, represented a major advance.
During the s, however, veterinarians came to pose a threat to physicians. Following pressure, one reminder, issued in , reprimanded district veterinary officers for doing as they pleased. Compared with their counterparts in Britain, veterinarians in the German states took on public roles early on in the evolution of their profession, and the veterinary police, as it developed in the first half of the nineteenth century, witnessed significant intermingling of veterinary and medical personnel.
In England, as Woods and Matthews have pointed out, private practitioners held sway in debates about the direction of the profession. They argued that practical know-how, business sense and social skills were more important than expertise in science, education or gentlemanly comportment within an unforgiving marketplace.
Once a state-centred model of professionalisation was established, commercial concerns about quacks became secondary, social fears regarding association with shepherds and herdsmen dissipated and attention shifted to obtaining parity with doctors. Crucially, incorporation into the state apparatus removed veterinarians from the category of animal healer and placed them in the same category as medical practitioners. Even though the relationship was a subordinate one, state involvement offered veterinarians a way to escape the marketplace, to insist on similarities with medical practice and, as medicine incorporated more science, to regard themselves as scientists too.
In Britain, a similar rallying cry for veterinarians to become more like physicians is detectable; in Germany, as the power of veterinary officers increased, it became the norm. When the London Veterinary College and the Berlin Veterinary School were first founded, both institutions started out accepting anybody wishing to enter.
In , however, the Berlin school took the decision to impose on aspirants the Sekundareife: Crucial to this difference was the existence of public appointments. Such a move to create a high standard of entry, however, encountered military opposition. Nobody would, the army warned, want to become veterinarians if the academic hurdle was raised too high.
Conditions to a second track were thus lowered: For the first half of the nineteenth century, statistics on the profession do not differentiate between private, public or military veterinarians, making it difficult to ascertain the respective proportions, but the fact that a high standard of entry was introduced, despite military opposition, indicates the rising power of veterinary officers. Prior to the s, fewer than trained veterinarians operated in the whole of Prussia.
Towards the end of the s, however, numbers had picked up. A growing awareness that training at veterinary schools resulted in employment arguably raised incentives. In the following two decades, their number almost doubled. By , chief veterinary officers were to be found in all ten provinces, and district veterinary officers operated in of the districts.
Berlin, for instance, appointed a full-time veterinarian in By , the Prussian capital was employing one chief veterinary officer and two district veterinary officers. Number of veterinarians versus number of horses registered in Prussia, — Strength in numbers brought increased powers. In , the Prussian Ministry of Justice entrusted district veterinary officers with the surveillance of borders, ensuring that diseased livestock did not cross national boundaries.
In Baden, fines were also imposed on those who meddled in veterinary affairs without the necessary qualifications. Two pieces of legislation cemented the advance of veterinarians in the state apparatus. In , the Rinderpestgesetz Rinderpest Law came into effect in the North German Federation, placing veterinarians in exclusive charge of epizootics.
In , the Ministry of Agriculture, under the stewardship of the energetic Eduard Marcard, stepped in to take over veterinary administration. Following amendments in , swine plague, avian plague and tuberculosis were added to the list of contagious animal diseases. The shift to an emphasis on prevention is detectable here for the first time. Less speed characterised changes to the power and status of military farriers.
When reforms were implemented to the two-tier system in Prussia in , elevating the prerequisite for study at veterinary schools to the acquisition of Obersekundareife , or graduation without the taking of final examinations, the military chose to abide by different rules; it came around to accepting this change only in Building on their growing influence within the profession, veterinarian officers stepped up the pressure on the military from the s.
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Shoeing became the main battleground, because of its association with manual as opposed to intellectual labour. In , Anton Ludwig Sombart, a national liberal, supported a change to the status of military farriers. During the s and the s, George Fleming, a British army veterinarian, called on colleagues to involve themselves more with contagious animal diseases and the inspection of meat and milk.
Rather, it was the army that played the conservative role, emphasising the importance of practical and manual labour against the view of veterinary officers, who insisted on the pursuit of intellectual and scientific inquiry. Starting out with the introduction of higher standards of entry in , veterinary officers had, by the s, established themselves as the most influential voice within the profession.
Such a position had been achieved on the back of increased numbers, the resolution of institutional subordination to medical officers in the state apparatus, the widening of the scope of their activities through inclusion of a variety of contagious animal diseases and the elevation of veterinarians as experts to the highest level of government. Building on these advances, German veterinarians could capitalise on the increasing importance of zoonoses during the second half of the nineteenth century.
During the s, epidemics broke out that tested newly emerging boundaries of medical and veterinary knowledge. In Britain, as Michael Worboys has demonstrated, the cattle plague outbreaks were a watershed event: Most of the epidemics took place in northern Germany, and one of the most serious was recorded in in Hedersleben, a small town km south of Berlin. Some inhabitants came down with the disease, of which eventually died — all from sharing one pig. Medical practitioners were tasked with diagnosis either at the bedside or in the hospital. They were also responsible for sending specimens for microscopic testing by laboratory scientists.
Veterinarians were largely absent — but, during the s, as the number of abattoirs dramatically increased, they became the main scientific experts in meat hygiene. One influential pathologist who confirmed the existence of the disease in his laboratory was Rudolf Virchow. Because trichinella could only be diagnosed after slaughter, Virchow initially called for self-protection, urging households to purchase microscopes and to take hygienic measures in the kitchen.
Most medical observers placed the blame — without much evidence — on the strength of the north German custom of eating raw pork. In , the Commission of the Berlin Medical Society — of which Virchow was a member — took this lesson on board as it recommended state intervention: Nor was the law particularly effective: For veterinarians, the field of zoonosis was, during this period, new and ambiguous terrain. Protecting the health of humans from transmissible animal diseases was still a contentious undertaking.
Even though a few veterinarians threw themselves into trichinosis research from the mids, especially in Saxony, they hesitated about encroaching upon medical territory. One of the first veterinarians to write about the disease, the Dresden professor G. Haubner, balked at the opportunity to assess the health of meat and milk. One of the most influential advocates was Andreas Gerlach, who became director of the Berlin school in His theory that rats were a major source of infection also shifted some of the responsibility to stockowners and breeders — not just butchers or housewives — for the spread of the disease.
During the s, the veterinary profession embraced the abattoir as an institution through which the powers of veterinary police could be extended. At this time, farmers and regional politicians resented the heavy hand of veterinary officers in the control of rinderpest. Building slaughterhouses on the eastern border, and killing the animals prior to transportation, or forcing local regions which were impoverished anyway to consume the meat from slaughter, would, it was argued, prevent infected animals from moving west. Following the creation, in , of the Veterinary Technical Deputation, of which both Virchow and Gerlach were founding members, discussions intensified.
By , abattoirs had been opened in Prussia alone; in , operated across Germany. Most of these new slaughterhouses employed veterinarians, who worked as directors, inspectors or assistants. One of the largest opened in Berlin in , and Hugo Hertwig, a former district veterinary officer, became its chief of meat inspection. Under him worked a further twelve veterinarians in an operation that numbered personnel.
Increasingly tasked not only with the administration but also with the construction of actual buildings, veterinarians quickly made abattoirs their new fiefdom. In , Robert Ostertag, the founding father of modern systems of meat inspection, began his illustrious career at the Berlin abattoir.
Sanitary veterinarians published the results of their research in specialist journals: Such advances culminated in the Reichsfleischbeschaugesetz Imperial Meat Inspection Law , which accorded veterinarians a central role. For Ostertag, a chief architect of the legislation, veterinarians had been crucial in bringing it about. During the pre-abattoir era, most German states had designated educated laymen — whose expertise was certified by medical officers — to this task.
Only on rare occasions were veterinarians involved in this work. Following the widespread construction of abattoirs, however, the process of trichinosis inspection was modified so that applications had to be made to the slaughterhouses. Even so, as in the Berlin slaughterhouse, medical officers were to be called in for dubious cases, and physicians resisted a handover in places such as Kottbus , Posen and Kassel , rejecting what they saw as attempts at transforming this medical terrain into a veterinary one.
For the veterinary profession as a whole, involvement in meat hygiene proved to be highly significant: During the s, the debate over trichinosis generated medical demand for abattoirs, but enthusiasm for them was low, resulting in piecemeal legislation that focused just on trichinosis inspection through medically certified laymen.
In the wake of the rinderpest outbreaks in the s, however, as enthusiasm for abattoirs resurfaced, veterinarians successfully transformed them into a hub that undertook to address both epizootic and zoonotic concerns. By the time Robert Koch made his bacteriological breakthrough in the s, veterinarians were firmly institutionalised in meat inspection controls, and had no issues about introducing germ theory in the abattoir. Both healthy and unhealthy livestock could be assembled, dissected and investigated to produce veterinary knowledge.
Because of the awareness raised by trichinosis, German veterinarians also became interested in the dangers posed by bovine tuberculosis, as transmitted through the consumption of meat and milk. This finding inspired Gerlach to begin research into Perlsucht during the early s. His discovery that experimental animals developed tubercular alterations when fed with the meat of animals suffering from Perlsucht convinced him that the meat could be a carrier of the disease.
For Gerlach, the main criterion on which decisions about edibility should be based was to establish whether the virus had affected the lymph, because this was proof that the disease had spread throughout the body. Looking for clinical signs was deceptive: Even in ambiguous cases, he argued, veterinarians should err on the side of caution and eject the animal from trade. Such a recommendation aroused controversy within the veterinary community.
Most veterinarians could not accept the amount of food that would have to be wasted, based on the mere suspicion of infection. Veterinarians dominated much of the discussion into the practicalities of what to do. For butchers and consumers, sterilisation through heating was perhaps the most convenient and economical.
Certainly, the kitchen served as an effective place of disinfection, Lydtin acknowledged, but the experience of trichinosis had already cast doubt over the ability of the public to protect themselves. Even though this option would be unpopular, Lydtin remarked, diagnosing the infection itself in the carcass was relatively easy.
Lithuania Minor - Wikipedia
For all of these reasons, Lydtin concluded, the abattoir was the only realistic solution. Bovine tuberculosis presented an opportunity for veterinarians to show off their newly acquired expertise. Originally, the Freibank was a sixteenth-century institution widespread in southern Germany and Austria. For veterinarians, the Freibank was of interest because it could be refashioned to sell meat from cattle infected with localised tuberculosis.
Public sentiment would not allow for healthy meat to be sold alongside that saved from diseased animals, but it could be offered at lower prices without attracting any criticism of deception. Thus, despite objections from butchers, veterinarians successfully implemented Freibanks: Compared with their increased importance in towns and cities, veterinarians found it difficult to make their influence felt in the countryside.
Such an impasse had beset the early history of the profession, driving practitioners into the arms of the state, but the subsequent and rapid rise in the number of veterinarians facilitated a shift in attitudes. He advised colleagues to join agricultural societies, write to breeders, socialise with them and hand out instructions on the construction and maintenance of stalls and barns.
Convincing farmers to accept veterinary expertise, however, proved difficult. At one livestock exhibition in Hamburg, held in , not a single veterinarian was among the eighteen judges chosen to deliberate on the quality of horses. He was, however, outnumbered by thirty-nine others who pronounced upon cattle as breeders, farmers and landowners. As one correspondent reported: Considered within this broader context, the recourse to the abattoir as a centre of zoonotic policing not only represented a success in extending veterinary influence over meat, it also signified a failure to gain influence over farmers, especially on the issue of bovine tuberculosis.
In , Johne observed how, for the past century, tuberculosis had been able to run riot because farmers were blind to its dangers. Due to the relaxed rules concerning Perlsucht , he observed, breeders cared less about the distance between livestock, paid less attention to the selection of breeds and became indifferent to the dangers posed by tuberculosis. In , the Landwirtschaftsrat German Agricultural Council expressed doubts about the communicability of tuberculosis, contending that diagnosis was difficult.
In , Koch declared that the bacteria responsible for tuberculosis was identical in both man and animal. Confirming that the disease crossed species boundaries, he recommended draconian action: As the example of the Freibank attests, they were also able to claim a major contribution to the improvement of society: Even though the recourse to the abattoir could be seen as reflecting a failure to come up with reliable tools of diagnosis and generate trust with breeders, it was through the abattoir that the German veterinary profession made advances in the late nineteenth century, culminating in the passing of the Imperial Meat Inspection Law of In , Reinhold Schmaltz published what remains the most comprehensive history of the German veterinary profession.
German veterinary medicine in the period under review did not shape itself but was swayed by a variety of influences, traditions and interests laying claim to different types of animal. Political interests saw the need to solve epizootics among livestock at large; military figures wanted to train up farriers who would serve the horse; agricultural representatives preferred lay animal healers; and a significant body of physicians wanted little involvement in a venture that risked undermining their social reputation. Shaped by these conflicting influences and interests, veterinary medicine developed haphazardly.
Exploiting the hippological tradition, veterinary schools emerged with a strong interest in military horses. By the mid-nineteenth century, as the voice of veterinary officers became dominant, concerns about competition with lay animal healers died down. The focus shifted to combatting cattle plague and identification with physicians grew strong.
Building on their expertise in epizootics, veterinarians during the s carved out new terrain in zoonosis, through their involvement with trichinosis, and then cemented their position through their later involvement with bovine tuberculosis. Another major thread that has run through this article has been the entangled relationship between human and animal medicine. From early on, medical practitioners carried out veterinary duties. Even though some physicians resisted involvement in the veterinary schools, they were happy to teach the subject at universities.
Following the foundation of the first generation of veterinary schools, discussion continued about the role of medicine in veterinary affairs, reflected in the ambiguous position medical officers assumed in veterinary police. What is clear is that veterinarians looked up to medical doctors. For this very reason, as medicine became increasingly scientific, veterinarians also wished to become scientific practitioners — a status achieved through their involvement in meat hygiene.
Ultimately, the two healing professions differed in the degree to which they relied on the state.