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Links, , p. For example, in his novel about the Stalinallee, Harych derived his characters, events and plot lines directly from the many newspaper articles that he collected. Drawing on real events of that year, the novel attempts to give a comprehensive view of divided Berlin in , which results in a clear contrast: An example of how Loest put his own demand for exciting literature into practice, he based this novel on a widely known crime story. The plot revolves around the case of the young gangster Egon Kamm, whose criminal behaviour is envisaged as a direct result of American cultural influences.

The character Kamm is based on the example of the adolescent criminal Werner Gladow, who operated in Berlin in This spatial shift presents crime as a product of Western capitalism. Held in August, this sports event for communist youth movements from around the world was seized upon by the GDR leadership as an opportunity to present their state as young, peaceful, and forward-thinking. It regularly stresses the variety of nationalities among the guests, all of whom are presented as heroic peace activists. Defining an international gathering of communist youth movements as a demonstration for peace, complies with SED discourses claiming the peace movement exclusively for the GDR and its allies.

Erkundungen im Alltag der DDR, ed. The novel describes the building of massive new sports facilities and other buildings, and the enthusiasm the population of East Berlin shows for them.


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The scene in which the inhabitants of a house in Prenzlauer Berg prepare their attic as accommodation for international guests, is taken from a report in the Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung: Ein munteres Treiben wird auf dem Dachboden herrschen. Die ganze Hausgemeinschaft will sie gemeinsam aufs beste betreuen, um so einen Beitrag zum Gelingen der Weltfestspiele und somit auch zum Erfolg der Friedensbewegung zu leisten.

Praeger, , p. The result of these combined techniques is a thrilling novel that gives the reader a sense of direct involvement, even if its embellishment of the reported events is obvious. Finally these stories show how Loest put his demand that socialist realist literature be entertaining into practice: In doing so, Loest tackles the actual economic situation of the Western zones and FRG in the late s and early s, where unemployment remained high in spite of economic growth.

After many miserable months, he receives two letters from his army comrade Willi Brenzat who returned to Merseburg in the meantime and whose parents Heinke visted in the first scene. Brenzat writes about his successful reintegration in the swiftly developing East German society: Ich habe mich erst vierzehn Tage lang ausgeruht. Jetzt arbeite ich im Chemiewerk Leuna, in meinem alten Beruf.

Mit Wohnung ist es hier schlecht. Es war auch viel kaputt. Seit drei Wochen ist der Willi zu Hause […] und schon hat er Arbeit. Rede Otto Grotewohls zur Kulturverordnung , gehalten auf der Tagung der Volkskammer, The sense of belonging in the Ruhr Area becomes problematic in the light of the deprived situation of the protagonist, which is caused by capitalism. The border in the title of the story not only separates the protagonist from his friend, but also Western unemployment from Eastern economic construction, which secures jobs for all.

His deprivation is contrasted with the situation of workers in the East, represented by the friend from Merseburg and his job at Leuna. Following the announcement of the construction of socialism in July , it emphasises the socialist nature of the GDR more strongly and in a jubilant manner. In so doing, he upholds the unity of German sports against alleged FRG efforts to split it. In the scene where the hero is encouraged to travel to Leipzig by his uncle Willi, the connection with the Aufbau narrative defining the nature of the GDR becomes clear: Masculine images of the heroic working class thus affirm a certain, patriarchal image of socialist construction.

Referat Walter Ulbrichts auf der II. Parteikonferenz der SED, 9. The focalisation through Klepsch prevents the audience from learning what Schimmel is looking at: After Schimmel wins the confrontation, the narrative portrays the hero from the perspective of one of the girls: The admiring female gaze affirms the heroic masculinity attained in winning the poolside confrontation, asserting that Schimmel was not a proper man before he decided to resist the Leska family, i. His newfound working-class consciousness provides Schimmel with a sense of empowerment. In solving this inner conflict, Schimmel asserts his working-class superiority.

The narrative conceives of the proletariat as a force which is stronger than the individuals involved. Towards the end of the story, the younger Leska realises that he is helpless in his fight against the proletarian hero Schimmel: Drawing on the apparently natural authority of older proletarian male activists, such as Onkel Willi, the story utilises a patriarchal working-class family narrative. This narrative is introduced in the scene in which Schimmel tries to persuade his petty-bourgeois team-mate Weigel to join the trip to Leipzig.

Due to his class background, Schimmel imagines, Weigel would not understand the affection members of the working class almost naturally have for socialism: Authority lies with the older male family members. Sieh dir das an! Denk an deinen Vater und sieh dir das an!

Dein Vater wollte das so… Sperr die Augen auf, Junge! Sperr die Augen ganz weit auf! Consequently, the narrative evokes the dead father as an antifascist martyr, lending double authority to this exaltation of paternalistic GDR socialism. The main negative character in the story is the factory owner Leska, who embodies the ruling class of the FRG. Being its sponsor, Leska has great influence on the swimming club and dictates its political line. The narrative presents Leska as morally flawed: After the national cause was betrayed by the declining bourgeoisie, SED discourses at the time argued, the proletariat became its rightful champion.

Indeed, their hostility to communism disqualifies the Leskas — and with them the ruling class in West Germany — as patriots. Their fury at discovering the plan to go to Leipzig illustrates the dishonesty of their patriotism. As emerges from the thoughts of the young Leska, these capitalists deliberately seek to destroy national consciousness: It is implied that Leska and his class are plotting another war to liberate East Germany from what they contend is Soviet occupation.

The narrative presents the idea that the East German people are terrorised and suppressed as a lie spread by the Western press, intended to destroy national and class consciousness, and to prepare West German minds for a new war. The hero Schimmel and the masculine working-class activists surrounding him are the true patriots in the story, upholding German unity.

Weigel reflects on a conversation with Schimmel: Dabei ist Schimmel gar nicht laut und roh, ungebildet und schmutzig. The role of this female character is limited to illustrating the superficial consumerism of West German society, of which Weigel becomes aware. The British army training ground that the jobless steelworker Heinke encounters on his bored strolls through his hometown in the Ruhrgebiet, is a tangible symbol of Western militarism.


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It appears as a place where ruthless capitalists, corrupt politicians, and American imperialists are in charge. In this regard it fits into a range of East German novels from the s portraying this city as an example of the desperate state of Western capitalism. The one-sided implementation of the separate Western currency reform of in West Berlin was indeed an important step in the division of the city.

Erich Schmidt, , pp. Loest envisages the young gangster Kamm as a direct product of American cultural influences, particularly of Western crime fiction meant to distract the German youth from communist propaganda and to prepare their minds for the next war.

This accusation — implicit throughout the story — is finally pronounced after Kamm has been killed by police bullets: Die ihn dorthin gebracht haben, die laufen herum, die fahren in schweren Wagen, und denen tut keiner was. The fact that the two petty criminal main characters of the novel eventually die, indicates that they are effectively victims of capitalism as well, and underlines the fact that the true perpetrators are those in power in the West. In both texts, Loest seeks to maintain the unity of the German working class by reaching out to grassroots SPD members, while dismissing its leadership.

He introduces Schimmel to other working-class activists who help him organise the transportation for the relay team to travel to East Germany. One of them appears to be a member of the KPD: Das Scheitern einer Politik Frankfurt: Campus, , p.

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In so doing he proposes a grassroots unity of German proletarians, irrespective of their political party allegiance. They come to this conclusion during one of the topical events that Loest integrates into his narrative: Mohr Siebeck, , p. The leadership of the SPD supported the prohibition, but many of its subdivisions did not. Such West German activists are valued highly, as the thoughts of their Eastern contact reveal: This corrupt and powerful SPD politician is a shareholder in the currency business. His riches contrast to the hardships of the common West Berliners portrayed in the novel.

These experiences and his cooperation with the East German Volkspolizei in the Kamm case open his eyes to the relationship between the high crime rate and the political system in West Berlin. Both are interested in crime fiction, and Ahlsen even joins Kamm on his first robbery. But whereas Kamm seeks adventure and puts his gangster fantasies into practice, Ahlsen falls in love with his colleague Margot Bornemann, an exemplary working-class girl: Moreover, the figure of Margot reflects the troublesome nature of his conversion, withdrawing her love when he remains a reluctant outsider who does not join the FDJ.

Unhappy that he does not contribute his share to the new society he benefits from, Margot leaves Berndt: When he admits to his Italian guest Luigi that he is not a member of the FDJ, the narrative relates his feeling of shame. The two are described in a way similar to the conventional picture of a father taking his son to a stadium. Loest describes the instance Schimmel realises that he is part of a community of masculine working-class activists as a moment of bliss. Becoming a proletarian is thus associated with becoming a man.

As with the other examples discussed in this section, his change is guided by a more conscious and mature character: Onkel Willi, a paternalistic mentor and role model. The reportage portrays the border guards as a collective of heroes protecting the GDR against the perceived Western threat. Read against the political background of the rejection of the Stalin Note of March , the text denounces the FRG as an illegal state under US occupation. In this context, Loest presents a Cold War narrative of a persistent Western threat against East Germany, emphasising the probability of provocations: Denn das alles ist schon gewesen.

Und wenn man mit den Offizieren der Deutschen Grenzpolizei in M. With this threat presented as very real, Loest describes night-time patrol at the border as a heroic sacrifice to defend the GDR, which, in view of the disqualification of the other state as occupied territory, emerges as the only legitimate German state.

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When introducing an older border officer, who remembers of the even greater hardships the guards had to undergo in the early post-war years, the narrator describes him as a fatherly, assured, and steadfast proletarian hero. Er selbst war Mitglied des Kommunistischen Jugendverbandes. It is impossible to pinpoint what this might have been, but Loest would certainly have strongly focused on any form of resistance against the Nazis.

If this fatherly officer functions as the paternalistic, guiding hero in the reportage, the subsequent paragraph introduces the heroic image of the young male proletarian fighter: Following this pattern, the nation requires sacrifices from its members, who are conceived of as proletarian males and soldiers. The soldiers show vivid interest in literature and great awareness of issues of socialist realism and the role of literature in a socialist society: The reportage presents the aesthetic-political programme of the SED as a genuine desire of the glorified collective of working-class heroes.

Their endorsement grants it particular persuasiveness. The narrator demands that his audience be conscious of the achievements defended by the heroic border guards. Sie haben vieles nicht, was du hast. Aber sie denken an dich.

Translation of «Phantomschmerz» into 25 languages

Furthermore, given that the voices of the reporter and the border policemen are mingled, Loest identifies his argument with that of his heroes, which bestows their authority on his narrative. The peaceful East is defended against the aggressive West through the heroic sacrifices of the border guards, who protect the working population. In an image of socialist society as an organic unity in which everyone contributes their share, work is presented as fulfilment, but moreover as an obligation to and demand of the antifascist-proletarian fighters at the border.

The comradeship of these heroes, as well as the mutual help of the guards and factory workers, symbolise the sense of community amongst the East German proletariat. With authority in the hands of the essentially military border guards, the narrative presents a vision of society which draws heavily on militaristic terminology and concepts. Er steckte die Rote Fahne aus dem Fenster. Er nahm sie auch nicht herein, als sich eine Menschenmenge vor seinem Haus sammelte, er nahm sie nicht herein, als geschrien und gepfiffen wurde.

Waren es die Bauarbeiter von der Stalinallee, die in diese Wohnung einbrachen? Unten wurde gejohlt und gepfiffen. Pfiffen alle hundert, die unten standen? Es pfiff ein knappes Dutzend. Waren das… Zum Teufel noch mal, ich kann nicht so weiter schreiben, so ruhig und mit der immer wiederholten rhetorischen Frage, ob das die Bauarbeiter der Stalinallee waren. Aber was haben die Hunderte und Tausende gemacht, die all dem zusahen? Und was hat die Partei in dieser Stunde gemacht? Die Genossen haben diskutiert.

He blames all the use of violence on provocateurs, whereas he perceives the East German workers and Party activists as peaceful. As his reportage demonstrates, he could not consider the possibility of violent protest by the construction workers from the prestigious Stalinallee.

His denial of this possibility needed no explanation: In the same manner, he presented the communists as non-violent. But he alleges that this non-violence of the workers and Party activists benefited the provocateurs. With his subsequent examples of FDJ and Party resistance against the mob, and the resolute action of the Soviets he advocates a militant defence of socialism and peace.

This ambivalence is rooted in his invocation of a particular image of the decadent West. Loest comments on the appearance of the provocateurs: Hence, the apparently uncontrollable mob is simultaneously a reliable militia threatening the rule of the working class in the GDR. The Leipzig SED leadership had denounced him as a fascist provocateur and urged his colleagues to oust him. Insel, , p. Aber die ehrliche Meinung dieses Mannes war kaum zu lesen. Kritik in der Presse war nicht gefragt. Aside from the lack of space allowed for such criticisms, Loest deplores the failed integration of groups with different political views: The jobless West German protagonist of the story reads a letter from his East German friend about the production norms: Both images show a red flag flying high above a restless crowd, and in both cases it is a journalist who raised the flag.

And since the essay points out that failures were made across all of the state and Party apparatuses, his criticism concerns the GDR regime as a whole. Die Schuld von Partei und Regierung, unser aller Schuld wurde erheblich verkleinert — und dies liegt am allerwenigsten im Sinne der Regierung und der Partei! Ich bin skeptisch geworden wie viele meiner Kollegen.

As this quotation indicates, the authority of the male proletarian — as Loest had constructed in his stories and novels as well as in the two reportages — remained intact in his positions after the uprising. The class struggle perspective becomes clear early on in the novel, when the group of students around which the story revolves, misbehaves. Das waren die Soldaten der Sowjetarmee, die die Freiheit nach Deutschland brachten.

In this paternalistic family narrative, symbolic male ancestors oblige the working- class youth to carry on their struggle by contributing to the success of the GDR. Similar narratives run through the novel, as the family background of the main characters are related. Both positions are products of a set of narratives and discourses that Loest brought forward, and can be found to a certain extent in each of his texts discussed here. He recalls that the public shaming of a student who owned a bible compelled him to write about the danger that communist values could be used for bullying and career making.

Unsurprisingly, Pronberg leaves for the West after his downfall. Their official criticism was reportedly approved by the entire forum: Aber Loest hat die Proportionen verschoben. To what extent he did so would need a precise comparison between his manuscripts and the published novel, which is impossible due to the fact that his manuscripts have not been made available yet, but it is clear that the derided plot was still very much present in the printed version of the novel.

The latter mistake was allegedly made by a range of authors writing about the present. It was particularly the narrative mode of internal focalisation through the protagonist, that sparked the criticism: Volk und Buch, The following section will show that there is no unambiguous answer to these questions, because these texts bear significant continuities with the stories and novels dealing with contemporaneous issues, especially in the conception of positive heroes as characters undergoing a development in their political consciousness. They gain specific importance in the light of the SED political project to integrate former soldiers into society.

Princeton University Press, , p. A example of such a narrative is Der Schnee von Podgonowka, the story about the inner struggle of a German soldier named Kuschat on the Eastern Front during the winter of As they are under attack, he disobeys his orders to fight, instead heroically protecting the youngest boy. Interestingly, most of the story is characterised by a narrative mode of internal focalisation. In this respect there is a clear thematic continuity to the stories with a contemporaneous setting, two of which contain narrative patterns that can be related to this programme.

The former option would bring him good money, but also certain death in the war planned by the imperialists; the latter would result in renewed poverty. When he, jobless and miserable again, watches the British troops exercise, he realises that he made the right choice: He finally understands that flawed Western political and economic relations are the cause of his poverty, and decides in favour of the East. Weil sie keine Ahnung haben. Uns kann keiner mehr begeistern, bei dem, was wir durchgemacht haben. Dittrich unravels his own pacifist argument: So nebenbei, so zwischen den Mahlzeiten — und wir essen mehr Fleisch, als in Westdeutschland gegessen wird.

Das sind doch Erfolge! In the context of postwar shortages, the importance attached to meat consumption is evident from GDR policies to considerably raise the Ibid. Dieses Bild wurde aufgenommen, als sie einen Kessel vierzehn Tage eher fertigstellten als vorgesehen war [ This narrative helps convince the protagonist Dittrich to reconsider his refusal to give the shooting training.

Meiner Mutter sehnlichster Wunsch war es durch Jahre hindurch, sich einen Teppich zu kaufen. Autoren — Institutionen — Debatten, ed. Metzler , pp. The phone call to tell his FDJ leader that he agrees to give the firearms training completes his transformation from a traumatised ex-soldier whose judgements are blurred by the past to an exemplary socialist citizen willing to take on the political challenges ahead. Its protagonist cannot be seen as a positive hero: He opts for the invaders and against his fellow villagers, who are governed by an exemplary communist mayor who is committed to rebuild the village and make sure there is enough food for its citizens.

The narrative depicts the anti- This date is printed after the end of the story. Instead he detests the village leadership who has punished him for his collaboration with the Nazis. The SS band does not let him join their ranks; instead they capture his sheep and beat him to death, along with most other men from his village. This message allows the story implicitly to sustain the programme of actively reintegrating former Nazi sympathisers into the community.

Instead, the story contains an interesting perspective on efforts to make a distinction between die-hard Nazis and mere members of the Wehrmacht. The narrative has to be interpreted as a critical comment on a West German discourse which points at Wehrmacht resistance against Hitler, especially the failed plot of 20 July , to legitimise the continuity between the personnel of the Wehrmacht and the Bundeswehr.

He knows of a supposed order from Adolf Hitler to kill all such enemy troops, but his army comrades are unaware of this. This makes the British appear naive in the face of Nazi cruelty, as is also illustrated by a short conversation between one of them and Homola: Whereas the narrative cannot create a link between fascism and British troops still in alliance with the Soviet Union, it does construct a questionable image of the alleged British failure to stand firm against the Nazis. Ich werde diesen Befehl nicht befolgen. As he eventually concludes that he cannot be held accountable for the order, he passes it on to his subordinate.

Loest thus portrays this representative of the Wehrmacht establishment as too hypocritical or cowardly to uphold his self- proclaimed military values. It dismisses a positive evaluation of Wehrmacht officers, as it alleges their moral hypocrisy and obedience under Nazism. The hero of the story is a working-class boy who outwits the officers and endures the suffering they Debatten- und Diskursgeschichte des Nationalsozialismus nach Bielefeld: Transcript, , p. In his analysis of the novel Pawel Zymniak seems to be unaware of its earlier version as a short story.

They debunk a conservative view that Wehrmacht officers were not responsible for Nazi crimes, and hence are part of GDR discourses emphasising the continuity between West Germany and fascism. With these war stories, Loest contributed to official discourses on West Germany, which focused on its failure to break with Nazism.

As in the earlier texts, these war stories contain both affirmative and dissenting positions. His self-positioning in the crisis following the revelations at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Soviet Union also contains a simultaneity of both positions.

PHANTOMSCHMERZ - Definition and synonyms of Phantomschmerz in the German dictionary

Political opposition Loest was among the intellectuals who discussed the necessity of reforming GDR socialism after the revelations Khrushchev made at the Twentieth Party Congress, and in response to the political developments in Poland and Hungary. On 31 October , Loest opened his flat for a discussion evening with a Polish journalist about the developments in Warsaw.

Shortly afterwards, Loest published an attack on the Leipzig Party leadership and its leader Siegfried Wagner. Moreover, he signals Loest, Prozesskosten, pp. Loest was criticised at a Leipzig Party gathering in January because of this essay. Rather, the dissident Loest cannot be seen in isolation from his compliant texts, and both positions contain elements of the other. His stories and novels convey many narratives which legitimise SED rule and affirm certain policies. In a Cold War context, he writes about division from a decidedly Eastern perspective.

His treatment of the SPD, dismissing the leadership, while reaching out to the rank-and-file, is informed by SED policies to reach out to allies in the West in order to maintain the unity of the working class. In these narratives, the paternalistic guiding figures of experienced male proletarian activists are important: Still the male characters dominate this novel as well. The stories and novels generally conceive of the male proletariat as a source of authority and power.

The shifting meaning of this aspect would spark his criticism: With these texts, Loest positioned himself on the reformist side of Party discourses. Hence his support for reforms and his criticism of Stalinist practices of the Party leadership in At the same time he wrote war stories which are critical of the West and affirmative of socialism. As these stories can be regarded as a move away from his earlier agreement with Party doctrine, they are also embedded in Cold War discourses and impinge on West German political debates.

This again indicates the complexity of his stances, but also their coherence: Loest consistently supported a form of socialism which had to be less dogmatic, and in which the working class authority took precedence over the avant-garde Party. Peter Hacks Political aesthetics 1. As will be explained in section 3 of this chapter, he argued that the ideal society for which he had moved to the East was not established yet, and his aesthetics would accordingly revolve around the principle that theatre should show the contradictions society necessarily goes through in its development towards socialism.

Before his move to East Berlin, Hacks worked in Munich where he gained a doctorate with a thesis on Biedermeier theatre. It has been established that his father was indeed barred from exercising his job as a lawyer in Der Dichter Peter Hacks Berlin: Eulenspiegel, , pp. In , Hacks revised this play and gave it the title referred to by Urbahn de Jauregui. Verzeichnis aller Schriften von und zu Peter Hacks bis Mainz: He made use of this influence to propose an alternative to officially endorsed theatrical methods.

With his essays, Hacks contributed to ongoing, highly politicised debates about GDR theatre during the late s. I also investigate the strategies Hacks used to make his argument fit in with official discourses and the ways in which his positions actually complied with these discourses. Finally, I will investigate how these ideas fed in to the two plays he wrote in this period: Furthermore, I will analyse his criticism of progressive West German intellectuals expressed in his polemic against Hans Magnus Enzensberger. Schriftsteller und Staat in Mitteleuropa, ed.

Der Dramatiker Peter Hacks: Erste wissenschaftliche Tagung der Peter-Hacks-Gesellschaft, ed. Aurora, , pp. Mit einem Originalbeitrag von Peter Hacks Kronberg: Moreover, such a dismissal of his political stances neutralises much of the critical potential of his work, and does not help to understand Hacks as a public intellectual, nor the peculiar situation of intellectuals in the GDR.

The second direction in the reception of Hacks seeks to re-establish him as a great socialist artist. Much of the recent rise in research on Hacks can be viewed in this way, and at times lacks critical distance. Heidi Urbahn de Jauregui is an especially productive admirer. Much research on Hacks pays insufficient attention to the ever- changing historical contexts. Erste wissenschaftliche Tagung der Peter-Hacks- Gesellschaft, ed. Der Dramatiker Peter Hacks, pp. Felix Bartels, Leistung und Demokratie: Hacks claimed that art was in a desperate state, from which it could only be freed by a new society in which all classes were equal and contributed equally to cultural production.

The essay is conceived as a contribution to the debate on formalism, as a letter to Walter Maria Guggenheimer, an associate of the Frankfurter Hefte shows. Before , Hacks crossed the East-West divide intellectually and was already working with an East German audience in mind, as can be seen in his letters.

In , he corresponded with Brecht, expressing his admiration and asking him for advice on whether to move East. He also discouraged Hacks from publishing in East German journals.


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Briefe an Schriftsteller, ed. Eulenspiegel, , p. Hacks saw this mission of GDR theatre in the context of the Cold War, which he regarded as the contemporaneous expression of the class struggle of the proletariat. His essay in Theater der Zeit against liberalism in theatre places East German theatre in a political context of West German militarism, and emphasises the need for partisanship in the conflict between socialism and capitalism. He blames this deficit on failures in the programming of East German theatres: Hat man denn nicht begriffen, dass da ein Zusammenhang besteht zwischen Privatleben und Kollektivtod?

Therefore, he argues, GDR theatres have to display their political responsibility to show the reality of socialism and of the threat posed to it by the fascist West. This DLA, A: He integrates the Cold War, and in consequence German division, into a class struggle narrative. By using terminology from the narrative of the Russian Revolution, he moreover asserts that the Soviet Union is a model for the German development of socialism.

In two satirical poems, published in ND in April and September , he mocked the FRG in a discursive pattern which pictures it as the continuation of Nazism. The use of this genre in the official SED newspaper indicates an inclusionist claim of validity for West Germany. The GDR, by contrast, had appointed merely 6 former Wehrmacht officers.

Hitlers Eliten nach , ed. Campus, , pp. Praeger, , pp. The poem asserts that the socialist revolution is taking place in East Germany, whereas the FRG appears as the stronghold of the counter-revolution, in its new guise as aggressive militarism and imperialism. Eine vergleichende Studie zu den Bundestagswahlen von und Rostock: Baltic Sea Press, , p. The draft prelude of this play about Prussian militarism, Frederick the Great, despotism and the consolidation of the rule of law, which ultimately favours the despot, is set in a West German school: Reclam, , pp.

The honouring of Bismarck and Frederick with the latter appearing in the play as a war-hungry autocrat enhances the image of a militaristic FRG. In these examples, Hacks used his writing as a weapon in the Cold War, which he argued was his task as an artist. Apart from such directly political comments, he also saw his plays as assets in the cultural competition between East and West.

Nationalsozialistische Mythen, Riten und Symbole bis Vierow: SH-Verlag, , pp. Caute, The Dancer Defects, pp. Hacks also published occasionally in West German newspapers. Im Vergleich zu Shakespeare ist er ein Zwerg. Claassen, , pp. University of South Carolina Press, , p. Ein schlechthin unlesbares Buch, das ist es, was herauskommt. In diesem Land werden [ Hacks defines art very much in terms which are congruent with dominant cultural discourses, in this case realism as the norm and subjectivism as its counterpart.

Indeed, Hacks did not dismiss Kipphardt publicly, but criticised and Ibid. In a letter of 3 September , he asked: He suggests that the only good reason to move to West Germany would be adultery: He expresses his doubts that Kipphardt would be able to remain an independent artist in West Germany: Vielleicht wirst Du Dummendoktor in Mexiko. Ich bin nicht so optimistisch. The Cold War imaging of the FRG and the West German cultural public spheres that informed his criticism of Johnson, rendered the existence of progressive intellectuals there impossible in his eyes. In an open letter of August to Hans Magnus Enzensberger, the prominent young progressive West German poet, Hacks took issue with this problem.

Es ist aber leider, was Sie schreiben, dummes Zeug ich werfe Ihnen Unkenntnis vor. Das ist einfach eine Nazisauerei.

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But her name is also connected to repression and executions of opponents of the regime including many Nazis during her years as vice-president of the Oberste Gericht der DDR He even justifies violent acts done in the name of socialism, when he argues that these are necessary for the revolution which will end the oppression of capitalism: Hacks justifies GDR repression as revolutionary violence. He moreover stresses that such repression carries on the struggle of the working Cf. Manuela Bonnke, Kunst in Produktion: Vom bekennenden Terror zur verdeckten Repression, second edition Berlin: Marianne Brentzel, Die Machtfrau: Hilde Benjamin, Berlin: Hacks furthermore asserts that Enzensberger has a petty bourgeois way of thinking when he opposes state authorities in general: Such is the frontal attack Hacks proposes as the appropriate approach to leftist West German intellectuals, making them accomplices by spreading ignorance of the allegedly fascist FRG.

This attack also serves to defend GDR leaders against their being held accountable for political persecutions. Finally, he calls Enzensberger an apologist of Himmler, because he did not support the right, Eastern side in the Cold War. As this disqualification of Ibid. Enzensberger proposed instead to agree that Stalin committed crimes against humanity as they were revealed by the new Soviet leader Khruschev in In his response, Hacks constructs a class struggle schema of the conflict between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, which justifies Stalinist atrocities: Moreover, he wrote it well after the debates among GDR intellectuals about Stalinism and reforms had ended in the trials of But, as Krause notes, Hacks had largely abstained from these debates at the time.

A programme for a socialist theatre Shortly after his move to the GDR, Hacks published two essays in which he laid down his programme for a socialist theatre: The two programmatic essays have to be read as a pair: The two essays are separated by a year: The different circumstances of publication invoke interesting parallels and discontinuities within his arguments in these essays.

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Amazon Rapids Fun stories for kids on the go. Amazon Restaurants Food delivery from local restaurants. ComiXology Thousands of Digital Comics. East Dane Designer Men's Fashion. Shopbop Designer Fashion Brands. Withoutabox Submit to Film Festivals. His sister survived, having escaped to England shortly before the war. From —49 he was a Polish diplomat and intelligence worker operating under the pseudonym "Ranicki" in London. Frustrated by the curtailment of his liberty in the People's Republic of Poland he emigrated in with his wife and son to the Federal Republic of Germany , [3] living in the city of Hamburg.

In Poland, he had published under the pseudonym Ranicki, [3] his intelligence codename. On the advice of the arts editor of the Frankfurter Allgemeine he adopted the name Marcel Reich-Ranicki professionally. From to he was literary critic for the German weekly Die Zeit , published in Hamburg. In he moved to Frankfurt , where, from to , he was head of the literature staff at the daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.

In he taught at an American university. From to , Reich-Ranicki hosted the literary talk show Literarisches Quartett on German public television. Reich-Ranicki's wife and son encouraged him to write an autobiography "before it was too late". Published in , Mein Leben was a bestseller in Germany, cementing his status. Mainly dealing with life and survival during the war, the book was adapted for television and broadcast in April In February he received the honorary degree of Doctor Philosophiae Honoris Causa from Tel Aviv University , which later that year established an endowed chair for German literature named after him.

In February the Humboldt University in Berlin awarded him an honorary degree. In October , he was awarded a lifetime achievement award during a German television awards telecast for Literarisches Quartett. He made headlines with his acceptance speech, in which he spurned the prize and criticized the state of German television. Marcel's son, Andrew Ranicki, is a professor of mathematics at Edinburgh University. According to The Economist "He appreciated Jewish culture, especially its way with words, but found religion pointless and, after Warsaw, God inconceivable.

Reich-Ranicki died on 18 September in Frankfurt , having previously been diagnosed with prostate cancer. I will miss this passionate and brilliant man. As a tough critic Reich-Ranicki had a difficult relationship with other authors. The magazine included his unfavorable review of the book. Piper Wer schreibt, provoziert , Literatur der kleinen Schritte.