French animators

Two hours and a half. Half used substantively must be expressed by metcL, and not mezzo, Ex. I have eaten the half of an orange. The adjective bello is curtailed of the last syllable before masculine nouns beginning with a consonant, ex- cept an 5 impure ; before a vowel it loses the final letter and receives an apostrophe.

Un bel pdldzzo, a fine palace, Un bello specchioj a handsome mirror, BeWocchio, a beautiful eye, Bei pcdazzi. Un bnon architetto, Un buon pittore, Un buono sctdtorej A good architect. A few adjectives vary their signification according as they come before or after the nouns they qualify.

A news which is certain. PiU di half of the earth is covered with water. SI uffizio Inquisizio7ie md. Numeral Adjectives are divided into cardinal and ordinal numbers. Vho, 1 I Diciassette,. Uno, one, a, is used substantively to signify a man, a woman, a person, and is the only cardinal number which agrees with the noun it accompanies. Venfuna lira, Lire veiWuruif Twenty-one pounds. In speak- ing of years, the preposition in, which is used in English, is joined in Italian to the definite article.

In fourteen hundred and ninei Nel mille quattro cento novanta due V America fu acoperta, Nel mille sei cento sessanta sei fa venduto it th a aesaanta aceUini la libbrOf two America was discovered. In sixteen hundred and sixty- six, tea was sold at sixty shillings a pound. The transposition of the unit before the ten is not admissible in Italian. Ha combattuto in venti due hattaglie, Furonfatbi trenta ivQprigionierij He has fought in two-and-twenty battles. Three-and-thirty prisoners were taken.

The conjunction between numbers is not required, except after mille and milione, when it may be used. He is twenty years of age. One of his danghters who was about ten years old. Primot first Decimo sestOf 16th Secondoj 2nd Decimo settimo. Ordinal numbers agree with the nouns to which they relate. La prima aetHmana del primo mese delVanno, La seconda scena dd secondo attOf The first week of the first month of the year. The second scene of the second act. In France, many presents are ex- changed on the 1st of January.

The preposition on, which is employed in English before dates, is omitted in Italian. II cinque di Novemhre fu sco- perta la cospirazione delta pol- vere da cannone, Sabato prossimo, On the 5th of November the gun- powder plot was discovered. A che ova fate merenda? A che orafaremo colazione f At what o'clock do yon lunch? At what o'clock shall we break- fast?

Noi facciamo colazione alle otto, pranziamo alle cinque e rnezzo, prendiamo it tl alle sette meno tm quartOt e ceniamo alle dieci e un quarto, We breakfast at eight o'clock, we dine at half-past five, we take tea at a quarter to seven, and we sup at a quarter-past ten. Distributive and Collective numbers. Five years, or a lustre.

Each, or a head. This day week the schools will reopen. In a fortnight we shall have va- cations. On the 24th of April , General Oudinot disembarked 93 92 Generate shared at Civita Vecchia with twenty-five thousand men, and on 58 the 30th of April the French attacked Eome and were attaccarono Roma ind. Germania desinavamo 95 and we supped at six. In Italian the meaning of nouns may be modified in various ways, by adding to them certain syllables ; nouns so modified are curtailed of the final vowel.

The great belL The boy. The strong, stout boy. A poet, a poor rhymster. A man, a despicable little man. The face, the prettr little fece. The hook, the small hook. The stick, the small stick. A poor man, a poor unfortunate man. The river, the rivulet. An old man, a poor old man. Some adjectives and Christian names are modified in a similar manner. Adverbs also admit of these modifications. A little, very little. One, accio, and ino are the most commonly used termina- tions, and may be applied to almost all words, whilst the others can- not be used indiscriminately.

Every evening we take a walk along a small Ogni facciamo passeggiata lungo Stream, in which a thousand little fish play. Lahoudita Italian ; she pronounces very well, but she should read a pronunzia very little slower. In Italian, the comparative degrees of superiority and inferiority are formed by translating morej piii ; less, meno; and than by di or che, Than is generally translated by di before all pro- nouns and numeral adjectives. Greece was more polished than any other nation of antiquity. Do not send me less than a hun- dred pounds. Ua ipiU dotta di Ini, EgUno sono stati piu saggi di me.

She is more learned than he. They have been wiser than I. But when a personal pronoun is followed by a verb, of which it is the subject, titan is rendered by cAe, and the p'onoun is used in the nominative, as in English. When the comparison is made between two infini- tives, two adverbs, or two adjectives, than is translated by che, and also when the two nouns compared are only sepa- rated by than.

E megUo salvare un colpevole che condannare un innocentej Facevapm caldo ieri che oggi, E meglio tardi che mai, I stun capelli erano piu bianchi che biondi, Vi sHncontrano piu uomini che donne, It is better to acquit a criminal than to condemn an innocent person. It was warmer to-day than yes- terday. It is better late than never. Her hair was more white than fair. One meets there more men than women. Before proper names, as in many other cases, than may be rendered by di or che ; when di is used, the ex- pression a comparazione, in comparison of, is understood, and when che is employed, the verb of the proposition, accompanied by non, can be repeated ; if the sense of the phrase does not admit of this repetition, che is not to be used.

Ossar is more esteemed than Pompey. When than is followed by a verb not in the infi- nitivCy it is expressed by di quel che, or che non, Ex. The great of the earth are less to be envied than we think. A wise person listens more than he speaks. Silver is less precious than gold. In the first centuries the Romans were more warlike secolo guerriero than literary.

The following adjectives may form the compara- tive degrees in two ways. CattivOf pill cattivo, or peggiorCj Bad, worse. In speaking of physical size, piil grande, piU piccoloj must be used, and not maggiore, minore. II mio giardino I piu grande dd vostro, La htna h piu piccola ddla terra, My garden is larger than yours. The moon is smaller than the earth. The following adverbs form the comparative de- grees without the help oipiil or meno.

Much, more, or the most. Little, less, or the least. One of the great qualities of Plutarch is that which qualitcL Plutarco quella che is the most requisite for a historian, the love of truth, — necessario ad storico The remedy is worse than the disease. Imaggiori means ancestors, superiors. It would be better if you spoke less and listened more. Comparisons of equality are formed as follows: Cosl or si, as or so, Cbwe, as. TantOj altrettantOj as or so Quanto, as. Pill, or quantopiH, the more, Piit, or tanto ptit, the more. Meno, or quanto meno, the Meno, or tanto meno, the less, less.

Tanto, quanto, should be used in forming comparisons oi guantity, Ex. The first terms, cosi, tanto, tale, may be omitted, but not if they relate to nouns of different gender. He is not so sillj as he looks. Naples has not as many inhabi- tants as Paris. A servant's eje never sees so well as a master's. This room is as long as jours is broad.

I will describe it to you as I have seen it. The more ignorant one is, the more ready one is to judge. The less you study, the less you will know. He has shown himself such as we judged him to be. Poverty is the only enemv of the poor man ; those of the dissolute are as numerous as his unbridled desires. When tanto, quanto; tale, quale, are governed by a noun, they are used as adjectives, and are declinable. Alpar di, equally, as, may be used instead of cost, come; tanto, quanto, Ex. Si mostrarono valorosi al par degli antichi Spartani, Non sarete ricompensato al par di vostra BoreUa, They proved themselves as va- liant as the ancient Spartans.

You shall not be equally rewarded as your sister. The Superlative Absolute is formed, — 1st, By changing the final vowel of adjectives and ad- verbs into issimo. Grande, grandissimo, Male, malissimo. Observe — Adverbs which are formed by adding mente to adjectives, form the superlative absolute by omitting the final vowel of the adjective, and adding issimamente. He beloDgs to a very rich family. When she saw me, she became very red.

A few adjectives form the superlative absolute in errimo. The study of languages is very agreeable and very studio 25 piacevole osefdl. The sea air is very salubrious. The Superlative Relative is formed by placing il piUj il meno, before the adjective. The least gay of the party.

Murad Lo Sfortunato

Grace is the noblest part of beauty. The article maybe omitted when piU and meno follow the noun. Kossuth d Voratore piu doqtiente dei nostri tempi, Washington I il cittadino piu granae che abhia prodotto VA- merica, Kossuth is the most eloquent ora- tor of our day. Washington is the greatest citi- zen America has produced. Adjectives ending in ore require no adverb to form the superlative relative. The greatest, the least, the best, the worst. The following words express by themselves the superlative absolute degree, and preceded by the article the superlative relative. J7 sommo, the highest.

The language of a people is the most important monu- popolo monu- ment of their history. Of me, di me. Of us, di not. To me, a me mi. To us, a not. Abu From or Abl. From or by me, da me. Of thee, di te. Of you, di voi. To thee, a te. To you, a voi. From or by thee, da te. He or it, egli or NoM. Of him, di lui. Of them, di loro. To him, a lui. To them, a loro. From or by him, da lui. She or it, ella or essa Gen. Of ber, di lei. To her, a lei. From or by her, da lei.

They, elle7io or esse. From or by them, da loro. This pronoun serves for both genders and numbers. St, has no nominative. Of one's self, or of himself, herself, them- selves, di se. To one's self, or to himself, her- 1 self, themselves, a se Ace. One's self, or himself, herself, 1 themselves, se. From or by one's self, himself, herself, themselves, da se. In Italian, personal pronouns in the nominative case may be expressed or omitted. In Italian, there are two ways of expressing the dative and accusative cases of personal pronouns. The master praised her because she has been attentive, and blamed him for being negligent.

I speak to you, Henry. The conjunctive pronouns are used when there is one dative or one accusative in the same phrase, — they are placed hefore the verb, and in compound tenses before the auxiliary. I have promised her Alfieri's tragedies. I hope to induce him to come and spend the vacations with me.

Having given us the message, he ran off. Advise her to go on the Conti- nent. Lend me yonr penknife. Non mi parlate piu su questo soggetto, Le dica la verith, Mi dicano quello che hannofatto, Do not speak to me anj more on this subject. Let bim tell her the trath. Let them tell me what they have done. When the verb to which the pronoun is joined ends in an accented vowel, or is composed of one syllable, the initial consonant of the pronoun, except of ffU, is doubled, and in the first case the accent is not retained.

Appena d vide, invitocci a pran- zo, Fammi U favore di tradwrre queata letteraf Dalle la mvsica che S sul piano- forte, As soon as he saw ns, he invited us to dinner. Do me the favour of translating this letter. Give her the music which is on the piano. The English neuter objective pronouns it, them, are rendered in Italian by the conjunctive pronoun Zo, which in this case serves as a relative pronoun, and agrees with the antecedent to which it relates, and precedes or follows the verb according to the rules given for the con- junctive pronouns.

Wlio has taken my umbrella? Your uncle has taKen it. Do you know the lesson? I do not know it. Who has given you those beauti- ful flowers? I have bought them. In the square of the old Palace in Florence there are very beauti- ful statues. Have you seen them?

The conjunctive pronouns mi, ti, ci, vi, si, change the final i into e when followed by any of the relative pro- nouns lo, la, li, le, ne. These pronouns are written sepa- rately when they come before the verb, and are joined to it when they follow it. The keeper showed it to me. In showing it to me, he said to me. We warned you of it in vain. Where have you bought those oranges?

Our grandfather has made us a present of them. I ctCnnot lend it to you. They have repented of it. Observe — By the above examples it will be seen that in Italian the relative pronouns are placed after the con- junctive, and not, as in English, before. Orsu MirtUlo, i tempo che tu ten vada. Dio vel perdoni, Temo cen privi. Mirtillo, it is time thoa wert going. He did not allow it to me. May God pardon yon this.

I fear he will deprive us of it. When several verbs govern the same pronouns, the pronouns are generally repeated in Italian with each verb. Niuna accademia si pub attribu- ire plena e sovrana signoria sopra una lingua. The custom of the people who speak it be- comes an absolute standard ; authors and scientific men may, however, maintain, illustrate, purify, and enrich it. We love and esteem him. Fear warns us of dangers, firmness removes timore aiwertire pericolo fiducia allontanare them, and restores composure to us.

I have sent them to him, and he must have received them hy this. His friends spoke to him of it in confidence. Glie is also used for the feminine instead of Ze, when followed by a relative pronoun. I know my cousin likes flowers, and I send her some often. You must give it to her, as you have promised it to her.

I gave them the half. It is useless to give them good advice.

Full text of "A theoretical and practical Italian grammar, by E. Lemmi and mrs. Lemmi. By E. Lemmi"

When a Gonjunctive pronoun is accompanied by the word ecco, here is, there is, it must be placed after it, Sind joined to it. Eccomi pronto a servirvtf Here I am ready to serve you. Dove sano gli aUrif Eccoli, Where are the others? Eccoci giuntif Here we are arrived. X7io tradotto lo, Oli ho parlato io stesso, Ella stessa d ha agridati.

I translated it myself. I spoke lo him myself. She scolded us herself She dressed herself elegantly. They vainly flatter themselves that they will persuade ns. We resigned ourselves to our fate. The Greeks, in order to oblige their wives to remain onde costringere 58 a at home, forbid to them to wear shoes in the house.

However they may be employed, they follow the rules already given for conjunctive pronouns. Ci and vi as relative pronouns, signify of, to, for j at, upon it, them. They are great misfortunes, hut we cannot help them. Before undertaking anything, one should reflect ahout it.

Used as adverbs, ci translates here, and vi there. Now that I am here, I will re- main here to the end. I have never seen her here. We will go there soon. In order to prevent repetition, vi and d are sub- stituted for each other. Ti ci condussero, not vi vi con- j They took yoi; there. Flechier was of low extraction ; a bishop having once hdssa estrazione vescovo 96 alluded to it with contempt, he replied: My lord, fare allusione disprezzo rispose Monsignore there is this difference between you and me, if you had fra been born in my father's shop, you would be there still.

It answers to the French word en, Ex. Ne ho tanti che mi bastano, Ne parliamo caetantemente, Dopo it primo otto se ne andby JEgli neparla con molto inter esaCt I have quite enough of them. We speak of it constantly. After the first act he went away. He speaks of him or it with much interest. Avete danari f ue ho. Ne is employed to supply the omission of a noun, which in English is often understood. I have two or three. I will give you a very interesting one.

One misfortune often brings many. It was an ancient Eoman custom to recite funeral recitare funehre orations at the burial of old women ; Caesar was the orazione junerale ind. There pubblico 50 hihlioteca are three. II mio dovere, la vostra giiistizia, My duty, your justice, their virtue. The article is omitted when the pronouns precede nouns of kindred or rank in the singular, loro excepted. In the plural, the article is used.

He loved his country more than his life. Her Majesty Queen Victoria. Their cousin lives in Florence. The possessive pronouns may be placed after the noun, and in this case the article is placed before the noun instead of the pronoun. Your excellent father and your affectionate mother. I gave your little brother a letter for you.

His disagreeable sister always dis- pleases me. My duty, his honour. The possessive pronouns require the article when they precede the following nouns of kindred. Jl mio genitore, instead of padre, father. La mia genitrice, II tuo germano. When the noun, preceded by the possessive pro- noun, is used in a vague and indefinite sense, the article is not required before the pronoun. Aspetto con impazienza vostre tetteref Per amor mio egli vi conserUi, Bra Buo parere che rum vi andas- stmOf 1 expect impatiently letters from you.

He consented to it for my sake. It was his opinion that we should not go. His house is larger than onrs. I know his brothers, but not yours. When these pronouns accompany the verb essere, the article is usually omitted. Whose box is this? Your cousins are pupils of mine.

He is an enemy of mine. One of my iriends has married a friend of yours. One of my servants is sick. When the possessive pronouns are preceded by a numeral adjective, by a demonstrative or an indeterminate pronoun, with the exception of tutto, or when followed by a noun in the vocative, the article is omitted. Give it to this friend of mine. He has sold some of his estates. All your reasons do not satisfy me.

The customs of our ancestors were more eimple and antenato ind. In Italian, the possessive pronouns may be omitted and replaced by the article when there can be no dovht of the possessor. My foot pains me. Put your purse in your pocket. Egli si giuutta la saluie col troppo studiare, Egli s' invigorisce la mente coUo studio delta JUosofia, Eglino si hagnarono i piedi net fiume.

Si misc il maTiteUo e uschy He ruins his health with too much study. He strengthens his mind with the study of philosophy. They hathed their feet in the stream. He put on his cloak and went out. But when the action of the verb is not directed to its subject, the possessive pronoun is replaced by the con- junctive pronouns in the dative case. The surgeon set my arm.

I pressed her hand. And in this way he saved thwr life. He lost his life in a naval engagement. I gloves," answered the soldier. As long as you spend your own money. He will go to spend the winter in Paris vjith his relations. When our supporters shall all have voted. When his, her, do not refer to the subject of the verb, or when there are two nouns of different genders in the same proposition, it is necessary, in order to avoid ambiguity, to use the pronouns di lui, of him, di lei, of her, instead of suo, sua, Ex. He loves his sister and her sons. Anthony found her ring in a. He is my brother.

I am her daughter. I bave seen him witb my own eyes. He gave it to me with his own bands. He is charitable to every one except to his family. Give me a dictionary, but not that of your sister. Questo cadoy e questa cremat This cheese and this cream. QvLestiJichit e quesie peschCf These figs and these peaches.

Where did you buy that watch and that chain? Those boys and those girls are very intelligent. Dove aveie comprato cotesto ariolOf e cotesta catena f Cotesti ragazzif e coteste ragazze sano moUo inteUigenti, QuELLO points out an object alike distant from the person who speaks and the person addressed. The formation of the feminine is regular.

We bought those cherries and those olives at the fruiterer's. These adjectives are generally repeated before each noun. Queste tazze, e questi pitxtUni 8ono scompagnatiy Questi bicchierif e questi bicehte- rini sono di crUtalh di Bo- emia. These cups and sancers do not match. These tumblers and wine-glasses are of Bohemian glass.

Questi, cotesti, quegU, are used often in the nomi- native singular to express this man, that man, this one, that one ; in reference to things, this one, that one, are rendered by questo, cotesto, quello. This man was fortunate, that one unfortunate. Asking him, who is this roan? The former, the latter, may be expressed in Italian by quello, questo, with reference mostly to inanimate things ; in speaking of persons, quegli, questi may be used, but only as masculine nominatives in the singular.

Un dimafreddo e asdvito hpiU salvbre di un elima catao; qneWo invigoriscej mentre ques- to infievolisce, Bacine e CorneUle hanno rappre- aentatogli uominif quegli quali essi sonOf questi guali dovreb- bero esserCj A cold and dry climate is more healthy than a warm one ; the former invigorates, while the latter weakens. Bacine and Comeille have repre- sented men, the former as tney are, the latter as they should be.

Electra — I still keep that dagger, Orestes, which the woman, whom we dare no longer call our mother, plunged into the breast of her consort. What shall we do with this fellow, said one to the other. Those fellows are just out of prison. That man told me that he was not rich. Elettra — lo serbo, Oreste, ancora Quelferro io serhot ehe al mat- rito in petto Vihrb colei, cui non osiam piu madre Nomar dappoi.

Chefarem not, diceva Vuno aWal- iro di costui? Non seguitar Vesempio di costei, Coloro appunto usciti di pri- aione, Colui mi disse che non era riccOf She who left the comforts of home to attend the sick and wounded in the hospitals of the East. Those who offend, rarely forgive those they injure. He who, she who, those who, that which, those which, used in reference to an antecedent, are expressed by quello che, quelli che, quella che, quelle che, according to the preceding noun.

Pronunt'iaiion of the vowels.. Pronunciation of tliu consunanU. The pronuncietion of gn and gl. Third Lesson, lieeleiision of SulMtantive. Terminations uiodiiyin;; the nieaiiljiv o! The Auxiliary Verb Artre, to have The use of di, a. Some special remarks on the uso of rroper names. Possessive Adjectives and Frciiioims. Jl 2liraeolo deUe noei. Verbs the ooiii]ilenicnts of which are dif' feront in both laugnages.

The use of the Tenses I Croctafi a Geriisalemme Specimens of Italian Poetry. I dite ladri e Vaeinn.. Xa farfalla e U cihofn.. In iMrte del fratello Gicranni. Alla cattiera del Petrarea. Tbinl Canto of IXante's Inferno. Rome and Modern Italy Alphabetical List of poetical and obsolete forms of Verbs List of Words whose signification la altered by the open or closed aotind of the vowels e and Letters of the alplinbet The Italian alphabet consists of 21 letters, which ore exhibited as follows: L, 1, M, m, rile.

Of these letters a, e, i, o, u are vowels the others are consonants. P6ro, instead of lo oro; dell'diiinM, inst. It is met with in Italian on the final vowels of some words only, and is used to mark either a contraction as: As a general rale, Uie is mostly laid in Italian on the pcnultimaU. E e has two diflerent sounds, a broad one, like the vowel sound in English iltere, fair the French e , as: The e at tbe end of a word is never mute; its sound, however, is less oiien tmd much shorter than at the beginning or in the middle of ft word.

At the end of n nwiwsyUaUc its sound is shoH and sharp tt. U, u sounds like in hoots, but never like the English H in up. This vowel is sometimes short os in tiiou. Further observations on pronunciation are given in tbe second Part of this grammar. E-u ro-pa; hitoi, pr. ProiiQiiciatlon of the consonants. B, b as in English: C c, has a double sound: CO before e or i sound like itsh, as: Bcccllrnsa Excellency , pr.

B, d as in English: F, f has the same sound as in EngUsh: G, g has a double sound: In order to harden the soft sound of this letter before e or I, h is added to it, as in strighe witches , pron. H, h is never pronounced see c and g. L, 1 as in English: The beginner must not forget, that where cwnpound ccmonants occur 11, mm, nn, pp, n etc.

S, s 08 in English: Between two vowels its sound is less hissing. I as in English. Z, z Tlie sound of this letter is sometimes soft like ds, as: II sudlo fangdso, immdndo, prato pel gran passure d'udmiui c cavuili, le case piene di solddti, le niura sddice ed affumic4te. Em una dduna, c6Ue mani legdte diAtro le rdni, e. The article iuclicntes the gender of substantives. The Italian language has two genders, vh. There are two articles in Italian us in English: The definite article for muscuUnc suhsfuuiircs is il and lo; for feminme substatUices la. H jmtlrc, the father; il fmtHlo, the brotlier; H vhlo, the heaven.

In this cose the article is not il bat lo. The reason is, that the Italian ear cannot bear a coming together of three consonants ffl AAijVio. Also words beginning with s can take tbe article lo, ns: In the plural they always take tbe article gli, as: The article la is ased before every feminine noun beginning with a consonant, as: The iudefinite article is for tnasc. We recommend the pupil, when learning these words by heart, to add the defin. The feminine plural of noona usually retains the fall article, as: Io bo la rosa. Io ho una i-osa. Tn hai il libro. Hai tu un libro? II padre ha il giardino.

La zoadi'e ha il pane. Il funciullo ha lo specchio. La zia ha nn' oca. Mio fratello ha nn cane. Eglino hanno nn cavallo. Hanno esse un cone? Avete voi no fiore? Il fanciullo ha un fratello ed nna zia. I have the book. I have a rose. Thou hast the bat. Hast thou a dog? Hast thou a Inoking'glass? He has the coat. My father has the bird. Has she a pear? Has he the bread? We have a bat. Have we the gun? Yon have the goose. They have a garden.

The king bos a horse. The child bos a book. The queen has a rose. My brother has the dog.

Zecchino d'Oro - Popoff

My mother has a pen. Ho io la rosa? Hai tn il libro? Avete voi un libro? Il fratello ha uno schioppo? Voi avete la rosa. Si, io bo nn libro. Si, il fanciullo ha nn fiore. Si, il fratello ha nno schioppo. No, voi avete I'abito. For tlie poliie mode of addressing a person, see the same lesson, Note 4. BAnno essi nna pern ed tina ciriegia? Ha egli il pane? Ha ella un Bore? Hanno essi nna sorella? Si, essi hanno nna pera ed nna ciriegia.

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Si, egli ha il pane. Si, ella ba nn fiove. No, essi bonno nna zia. The Plural of substantives. The following general hints will enable the pupil to learn the formatioii of the Plural ndtbout difficulty: Words ending in a preceded by e or g, take in the PlurnI an h after these consonants, in order to retain the hard sonnd. In the first Part of this gi'amroar we shall always indicate the Pinr. U marce; la spidggia the coast — le sjtiagge. The following are irregular: For farther observatione on irregalarities in the forraatioa of the Plural see the second Part of this grammar.

The Plural of the article U is i, as: The Plural of tlie article la is le, as: Il feiupcrino, the penknife. H gdito, the cat. Vhino hymn — gVinui; Vinfelioe the unhappy man gVinfeUci etc. Noi aTevaino nn ooItelJo. La casa ba due ixirte. Avevate voi gli alberi? Si, noi avevamo gli alberi. Mio aio aveva vednto tre etufe. Ecco i quadri e gli specchi. Noi abbiamo veduto qnattro sorci. I fancialli avevano tre pere. Mia zia aveva nna etufa. Le zie averano i gatti. Mia zuadre ha due eorelle. Beco il palazso del of the duca.

I bad three brothers. The duke has the sword. The children have the flowers. Here are the games, the pencils, and the coats. Here are also the houses, the castles, and the palaces. Had she the hats? No, she bad the coats. The countries have the canals. My father has three sisters. Hodst thou a physician? Yes, I had a physician. No, they had four dogs and three cats. The wives have the eggs. The eye is large. I have two eyes. Here is the house of the poet. There is a Ood. Avevamo noi un temperino? Aveva io i coltelli? Hai tu vednto un papa? Gli uomini banno vednto gli dei?

Avevano essi vednto i castelli ed i i alazzi? Avete voi un novo? Mio padre ha i ginocbi? Voi avevate un temperino. Si, tn avevi i coltelli.

A.C. Milan players

Si, io ho veduto due papi. No, gli uomini non banno veduto gli dei. No, i ffionarcbi banno le spade e gli scettri. Si, essi avevano vednto icaatelli ed i palazzi. Si, io ho due uova. The above example is, according to its meaning, nilier iranMlatcHl: Anehe not aNftamo teduto i quadrL or: L'aomo ayera tre fancluUL Avevate voi yednto i poeti? No, non avevaroo vednto i poetL Third Lesson. Julian nouns fonn the different of the Singular and Plural by means of prepositions. These prepositions, however, are not, as in English, simply put before the article, but undergo a contraiiioM with the article into one word.

It is used to express a source or origin, distaucc or retnoval, and also a dicdling upon, a cJiaracleristic token or fitness for anythiug. These prepositions are not liable to contraction before the indefinite article. It may be observed, liowever, that di commonly drops its final i and takes an apostrophe in its stead, as: Before consonants, except s impura. Bat aglt scolari, to the pupils. Plural j the angels. Dat ad nna madre, to a mother. Dot a quests strade, to these streets.

In the same manner are declined the above mentioned possessive adjectives mio, my, tuo, thy, suo, bis, her etc. II creatdre, the creator. U mdndo, the world. Vamico, the friend L. U viclno, the neighbour. La porta della Casa. Le porte della cose. Le fioestre dei palasr. Il gatto 3 on animale. I gatti sono i nemici dei sorci. Voi date gli scrignt agli amici ed alle amiche.

I nemici degli uomini. Le foglie di qnesti fiori. Le finestre di qnestn casa. The brother of the consin m. The sisters of the cousin fj. The gates of the town. The houses of the towns. The windows of the houses. Ood is the creator of the world. The dog is the enemy of the cat. The dog is the iViend of the man.

I give the book to the brother. The sleep of the child. The leaves of the roses and of the trees of the garden. Here are the clothes dliti. I come from the duke's palace. Thus a lady would pay: Ho io il libro del cugino? Hai ta il ritmtto della zia? Ha egli vednto il giardino del re? I fancialH hanno gli scrigni? Obi who aveva la penna del fmtello? Di chi 8ono qnelle pere? Di cbi sono quest! Avete Toi veduto il caue del- Taniico?

Di chi sono qucste ocbe? To hai il libro del cugino. Si, egli ba veduto il giardino ed il ca. Si, i fanciulii bnnno gli scrigni. Io aveva la peuna del fratello. Sono di mio fratello. Sono del re e della regina. Questi libri sono di vostro padre. Sono di vostra cugina. Fi'CCiuently the cases of substantives are governed by prepo. In elegant speed , however, some of them are used with the genitive and dative case, whereby a slight variation in the original signification is effected. La 6cti6la, the school. U mahtro, the master.

Sono iof am I? Il gatto 6 dietro la stofs. Siete voi in cucina? Luigi b da mio padre. I cayalU sono davanti la porta. Il fanciullo b sotto I'albero. Qnesta pera 6 per mla zia. Mia zia k in cbiesa. Mia cagina sta a Parigi Pat'is nella casa di mla zia. Egli aveva le inani tn tasea. II libro 6 nella tas- ca del padre. The servant is in tbe room. Tbe mantel's are at school. The birds are on tbe roof of tbe cborcb. My sister is at home. Tbe two knives are upon tbe table. Where are the cats? They aia in tbe kitchen. The three children of my cousin m.

The horses are in tbe water. The penknife of the boy is on the table. I come with the friend of my brother. Dove d mio flglio? Di che cosa icltat parli speakesi tu? Dove abita tuo cogino? Vostra cngina d in iscuola? Chi 6 andato in cbiesa? La serva d in cucina o in giardino? Avevate voi vednto le tinltre ducks nel cortile? CJon chi with whom siete andati? Egli c nel cortile dello zio. Egli d in giai'dino. No, essi gindcano play da- vanti dla casa. No, essa in cbiesa. No, h andato dal medico. Noi avevamo veduto le anitre, a le ocbe.

Noi siamo andati con nostro padre. Mio ratello e andato m. Thus the wine, the beer, tftc oil means: Id vino, della birra, ddl'olio. He sells paper, pencils, and ink, egli vende carta, matUe ed ineJiiostro. Jo vedo deUe anitre, I see some a few ducks. Jo vedo anitre, I see ducks but no geese. EgU vende fabacco, he b a tobacconist.

We have no flowers. You have neither money nor friends. Non avete ni danaro ni auiicL W La farina, the flour, ujeal. U ragdzso, the boy. To avrb, I shall have tu avrdi, thou wilt have egli avTii, be will have. IK lo avrd del pane e della farina. Avrete voi anehe del sale? Eglino avranno anche del danaro. Tu avrai del formaggio. Questo mercante vende olio ed aceto. Luigi avrk anche dei lihri e delle matite. Nel cortile souo le oche e le anitre.

Vi sono oche nel cortile. GU stranieri avranno del dauaro. Noi avrcmo della luinestra e della came. Nel giardino vi sono alberi, frutta e fiori. You will have milk and eggs. Here is the bread. Here is some bread. My father bad lead and iron. This child had some flowers. My consin fj will have some flour and bread. There arc soop, oil and vinegar. The queen had gold and silver. They will also have some paper and ink.

My uncle sells paper, pencils, pens and ink. Lewis has horses and dogs. Thy sister will have shoes and stockings. Shall you have any friends m. These men are foreigners. See the note page Abbiaxno noi della farina? Cbe cosa avete voi? Ha Ella delle roaUte? Hanno essi delle pere? Che cosa hai tu sotto il brac- cio arm? Per chi toAow sono qaesti libri? Avete delle frutta in casa? Noi abbiamo del sale e della farina. No, signora Jifadam , ma abbiamo del denaro. Abbiamo carne e pane.

No, ma bo delle penne. No, ma essi hanno delle pragne. Essi sono per mio cugino. Ella ba dello zuccbero e del caffd. Si, egU avrb dei quademi, del- rinchiostro e delle penne. Vi sono libri e qnadri. It is formed by patting a or ad before the parlilive articles di-f, itdla, ifrllo, delV; pi. You always thick off mouey, of wiue.

In fumIHar coQversetion Itelino. Here tlie article is entirely omitted, di taking its place before the substantive, as: Nona, dd vino, some wine, j della hlrra, some beer. Una liotiiglia di vino, a bottle of wine. Dtcci lihbre di came, ten pounds of meat Una di xucchero, a great deal of sugar. English vonqiound substantives are often rendered by this genitive, us: II maestro di scuola, the school-master. II mercanie di vino, the wine-merchant..

This latter condition explains why real estate was so often preferred when it came to instituting a vakif. Men and women who established pious foundations were furthermore The exploration of the changing patterns of philanthropy and its relations with religious practices and cultures in the Mediterranean areas both from the historical point of view in the long period and in the present is no more a complementary aspect of research issues concerning the past and present of multicultural societies but it represents a core element in the study of the process of social inclusion and social exclusion as it is testified by some of the contributions to this book.

As well as by research seminars focused on this subject. The case of Turkey, Israel and Cyprus are particularly emblematic and can be considered as a strategic focus to extend and improve research projects aiming to develop comparative issues in the relation between past and present as well as among different areas within the Mediterranean as well as in a global perspective. The relations between religion and philanthropy should be analyzed as a global prismatic system in which as previously noticed there are different patterns of reaction and interaction in the framework of historical change: In Salonika, for example, conquered from the Venetians the churches were transformed into mosques.

Then there is to consider the case of differentiation of practices within the same religious framework. As stated by Faroqhi in her Analogically these considerations recall the debate of the Franciscan movement in distinguish the usura which was forbidden by Catholic doctrine form lending out money to the benefit of community. The need to analyse the historical evolution of the waqf or more precisely vakif in Turkish, their role in the medieval period, their retrieval under the increasing domination of state authorities, is a crucial both for the scholars and the practitioners.

Differentiated isomorphism can be used as an analytical tool to study the historical evolution of philanthropic institutions in the same context as well as to compare different institutional context in the same historical period. In Italy and Turkey despite different social and political configurations, the State has controlled for long time charitable associations, such as the opere pie in Italy and the old foundations in Turkey.

In both countries at When these creative patterns become a practice, grant-making activities can yield the transformative outcomes that encompass and embody social justice as a strategic goal of philanthropic activities. It is a crucial goal both in the Italian society, facing an increasing immigration of religious and cultural minorities as well as in the Turkish society characterised a twofold dynamism, between the increasing role of faith and the consolidated secularisation of institutions and social policies and between the emerging role of Islamic movement and its social and anthropological aspects and the attractiveness of European political and legal and social configuration, Multiculturalism and its effects in shaping the role of religious congregations are a crucial factor in structuring the relation between religions and philanthropy in the global context.

This is the reason why we have decided to include in this volume the case of South Africa, as an interesting framework of social and cultural change in philanthropic culture and practices in a society in rapid transition as well a study of ethical roots of philanthropy in the North American continent, as a crucial background for the discussion of both the evolution of Protestant tradition faced to the development of a multi-cultural society see Soma Hewa contribution to this volume.

Inter-cultural exchanges are a growing phenomenon and are generating new institutional configurations such as the micro-credit and the welcome banks that adapt financial tools to cultural and religious traditions. The elaboration of case studies The study on religious aspect The Mediterranean is considered — according to the historian F. The representations of philanthropy as a dynamic space of social change through the practice of giving, concretely testifies that the Mediterranean is the most vivid and interactive laboratory of creativity as well as a scholarly framework to develop comparative studies of practices, cultures and symbols of philanthropy in its evolutionary patterns.

Many stereotypes that Western mental behaviour has generated towards Mediterranean cultures and religions — with a specific reference to the Muslim tradition — appear as inconsistent and wrong. Si tratta di un fenomeno universale, su cui abbiamo moltissimi esempi, soprattutto nei contesti urbani, anche non mediterranei.

Wikkan,Sustainable Development in the Mega -City. Can the Concept Be Made Applicable? Wikkan ricordo, Managing Turbulent Hearts: Christinat, Des parrains pour la vie. Ora essi si presenterebbero virtuosamente complementari e interagenti. La riflessione in corso, tuttavia, e proprio sui temi del classico capolavoro di Hungtinton6, segue un altro percorso. Simmel, Filosofia del denaro a cura di A. Ma penso anche alla creazione di nuove cerchie sociali e di reti di riferimento politico, con leaders intermedi delle organizzazioni partitiche che garantivano la redistribuzione di risorse dal centro.

Sant Cassia with C. Esso ha consentito a immense masse di resistere ai disagi della crescita in un ambiente arretrato, minizzando i costi sociali e sviluppando strategie di autodifesa individuali e collettive che hanno reso meno penoso il cammino vero la completa intersezione nel circuito del meccanismo di mercato. Pardo, Managing Existence in Naples. Tai Landa, Trust, Ethnicity and Identity. Eppure ci ostiniamo a non applicare i suoi modelli analitici. Chayanov, The Theory of Peasant Economy, ed. Ethnic Communities in Business. Alternative al degrado, al declino, alla marginalizzazione Sapelli, Southern Europe, cit.

Si guardi ai destini tanto diversi di Barcellona e di Instanbul. Certo,si deve sempre affermare che: Klapsich-Zuber, Tuscans and their Familie: E le eccezioni sono le eccezioni dello Hinterlandindustriale piuttosto che rurale- e caratterizzano le esperienze di Barcellona, di Genova, di Trieste, di Smirne Izmir. Essa ha subitamente abbandonato quella configurazione sociale industriale per assumere quella della neo- industria e del declino, quindi, della popolazione industriale rispetto a quella del settore terziario.

Conflitti, sviluppo e dissociazione dagli anni cinquanta a oggi,Marsilio, Venezia, Si pensi alla siderurgia napoletana, per esempio. Petros, Greek Rentier Capital: Dynamic Growth and Industrial Underdervelopment e A. Fondazione Enrico Mattei, Milano Leontidou, The Mediterranean City in Transition. Social Change and Urban Development,cit. Anfossi, Prefazione, ad A. Oommen, a cura , Azioni politiche fuori dai partiti. La politica di grandi costruzioni ad uso In una pagina fondamentale dell'Etica a Nicomaco Aristotele aveva 1 collocato la ricchezza elargitrice al centro della citt e del sistema sociale.

Bekker, Berlin, II, pp. Ricchezza e povert nel cristianesimo primitivo, a cura di M. Mara, Roma, III ed. Dark — Anthea L. Harris, The Orphanage of Byzantine 3 Constantinople: Miller, The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople, in E. Albu Hanawall and C. Orselli, I Beni culturali nella committenza e nella cura dei vescovi. Donciu, L'empereur Maxence, Bari , pp. Brodskij, Fuga da Bisanzio, tr. Forti, Adelphi edizioni 6 Milano , p. Brodskij esiliato dalla Russia nel ha avuto il Premio Nobel per la Letteratura nel Malgrado le sue professioni di antibizantinismo si fatto seppellire a San Michele di Murano, nella Venetia alterum Byzantium.

Maltezou, Venezia , pp. Di Branco, con una nota di B. Hemmerdinger, testo greco a fronte, postfazione di G. Pertusi, Il pensiero politico bizantino, Edizione a cura di A. Volpe Cacciatore, Napoli con sunto alle pp. Traduzione in tedesco in W. Su questa proposta di Tomaso Magistros cfr. Culte des saints et monarchie byzantine et post-byzantine, Bucarest, , pp. Si veda la bibliografia relativa al voivoda in A. Carile, Teologia politica bizantina, Spoleto , pp. PG 86, ristampa della notizia del Galland , cc.

Riedinger, Athenai , e di varie traduzioni cfr. Rocca, Un trattatista di et giustinianea: Bell, Glasgow , pp. Per la tradizione letteraria e politica di Agapeto rimane fondamentale cfr. Sevcenko, Agapetus East and West: Byron, The Byzantine Achievement. Carile, Materiali di storia bizantina, Bologna Haldon, Wiley-Blackwell, , pp. Pertusi, Il pensiero politico bizantino, a cura di A. Carile, Bologna, , p. Thessalonike, con aggiunta di due articoli e prosqnkev di Aikaterine Christophilopoulou , ed. Laiou Editor in Chief, Washington, , pp. Ospedali, ospizi per viaggiatori, lebbrosari, nella capitale e lungo le vie di comunicazione, vennero eretti.

Speciale cura si ebbe dei profughi e degli orfani, cui si provvedeva anche ad una forma di educazione, oltre che di mantenimento Carile, Materiali di storia bizantina, Bologna , rist. Miller, The Orphans of Byzantium. Child Welfare in the Christian Empire, Washington , pp. Finn, Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire.

Christian Promotion and Practice , Oxford Nel pensiero e nella vita dei bizantini la philanthropia era: Ecco le regole della filosofia filantropica bizantina: Farsi monaco e vivere una vita di di preghiera e mortificazione dei bisogni materiali e distribuire le ricchezze proprie ai poveri significava raggiungere la perfezione. Brown, Povert e leadership, cit. Arangio-Ruiz, I, Napoli , pp. Carile, Bologna , p. Alessio I Comneno consiglia al figlio: La filantropia costituiva una delle prerogative 31 J.

Patlagean, Santit e potere a Bisanzio, tr. Child Welfare in the Christian Empire, Washinton , pp. Ma anche i dignitari laici assumevano una connotazione socialmente accettabile mediante operazioni filantropiche. Basilio il Grande, Giovanni Crisostomo, Sansone, Giovanni il Misericordioso, Stefano parakoimomenos di Maurizio, Dexiocrate, Michele Attaliata e molti altri si illustrarono con private fondazioni caritatevoli Licentiam igitur damus praedictis venerabilibus domibus non solum ad tempus emphytheosin facere immobilium rerum sibi competentium, sed perpetue haec emphytheotico iure volentibus dari.

XII con la relativa bibliografia sul tema della ideologia politica. Diamo licenza alle predette istituzioni venerabili di stipulare delle enfiteusi dei beni immobili di loro propriet non solo a tempo ma anche in perpetuo a favore di chi le vuole. Anche gli xenones o xenodocheia e gerocomeia offrivano servizi medici. Ospedali, cliniche, e ricoveri di Chiesa, imperatori e laici, erano usualmente annessi a luoghi di culto e di pellegrinaggio e anzi si riteneva che alcuni santi, e relative reliquie e alcune colonne avessero poteri curativi miracolosi Freu, Les figures du pauvre dans les sources , cit.

Miller, The birth of the Hospital, cit. Brown, Povert e leadership nel tardo impero romano, cit. Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy, cit. Due fratelli della Isauria, Teodulo e Gelasio furono gli architetti del complesso e vennero definiti i nuovi Beseel e Eliab, i biblici architetti del Tabernacolo. Carestia, locuste, peste e quindi fame, malattia e morte.

Wright, Cambridge , p. Gli schiavi bambini valevano meno della met di un adulto, perch presentavano un rischio pi grande di sopravvivenza. A met del prezzo legale si potevano acquistare presso il gran principato di Kiev nel X secolo gli schiavi russi da rivendere al mercato di Costantinopoli, cfr. Nel sobborgo costantinopolitano Irion sorgeva un leprocomion ospedale per lebbrosi denominato Zoticon.

Una fonte citata dal Preger 46 afferma che fosse stato fondato da Giustino II e sua moglie Sofia Il protovestiarios Zotico ne era stato il suo primo direttore. Un altro ptochotropheion con lebbrosario si trovava nella regione di Argyronium, sulla costa del Ponto Eusino oltre la chiesa di San Panteleimon. Preger, III, , Volk, Gesundheitswesen und Wohlttigkeit, cit. Aerio, che a causa del suo arianesimo dovette lasciare il posto. Non mancano esempi di ricchi laici fondatori di ospedali.

Otto letti del secondo reparto erano a disposizione delle affezioni oculari e intestinali. Dodici letti nel terzo reparto erano riservati alle donne. Altri venti letti in due reparti servivano per malattie generali. Ogni reparto disponeva di un letto libero per emergenze e altri sei per malattie terminali. Gli altri reparti erano dotati allo stesso modo. In un ospedale di di sessantun letti operavano trentacinque dottori. Il Typicon prescrive inoltre che di notte cinque dottori, quattro maschi e una femmina, fossero presenti in ospedale. Ogni letto era dotato di una coperta distesa su un tavolato al modo orientale, una coperta, un cuscino e una coperta di pelo di cavallo mentre in inverno venivano fornite due imbottite.

Il direttore si doveva curare della biancheria mentre i vestiti dei pazienti dovevano essere puliti e stirati. La dotazione del letto veniva rinnovata anno per anno. I vestiti scartati venivano donati ai poveri. Nel reparto donne operavano due dottori, una levatrice e quattro aiuti, due sovrannumerari e due infermiere.

Miller, The Orphans of Byzantium, cit. Dottori e personale erano organizzati in due turni che cambiavano ogni mese. I primikerioi si occupavano del vitto dei pazienti e li visitavano spesso dando disposizioni al resto del personale e fornendo le prime cure agli spedalizzati. Un professore di medicina forniva lezioni ai dottori giovani. Erano assistiti da quatto aiuti chirurghi e quattro aiuti dottori. Il direttore aveva ordine di non risparmiare nella cura del malato. Il personale subordinato comprendeva tre aiuto farmacisti, due sovrannumeari, un portiere, cuochi e loro aiuti, un mugnaio, un fornaio e un garzone di stalla per i cavalli dei dottori.

A Pasqua venivano loro dati tre pezzi di sapone per il loro bagno. Il cimitero disponeva di quattro uomini incaricati delle sepolture e di un prete Amo ricordare, con una certa nostalgia per quel piccolo mondo antico, che nel a Patrasso nel cimitero cittadino, dove mi ero recato per una colliva celebrazione dopo quaranta giorni dalla sepoltura del genitore di un amico, ho trovato un papas che giocava a carte con gli addetti al cimitero, sulla porta di ingresso, in attesa di visitatori che intendevano arruolarlo per preghiere sulle tombe e per la consumazione di un piccolo pasto rituale sul piano della tomba stessa, uso ancora praticato nel mondo ortodosso.

Stessa esortazione valeva per i cuochi, le serve, i preti e il resto del personale: Durante la Settimana Santa concedeva amnistie ai criminali condannati a morte. Il governatore universale del mondo non poteva che essere un dio terreno56, una copia del prototipo celeste. Van Nuffelen, Pseudo-Themistius, Pros basilea: Imarets public kitchens were one of the institutions commonly found in Ottoman mosque complexes established as philanthropic endowments by the wealthiest and most powerful members of Ottoman society.

These complexes were often endowed as the religious, social and cultural anchor of new neighborhoods, and served the Ottomans as a means for developing and expanding existing urban spaces, or for establishing new ones. The largest foundations included multiple structures, providing spaces for prayer, education, hospitality, hygiene, and commerce. Smaller complexes copied the large ones, touching fewer people, less grandly and in fewer ways, but nonetheless proliferating this model of philanthropic activity in additional neighborhoods, provinces or towns.

A large complex could comprise one or more of the following institutions: The public kitchen usually fed the staff of the complex, the teachers and students in its madrasa and mekteb, and others, like members of the tekke, and in addition, some number of transient guests and local indigents. Stepping back to appreciate the imarets in the broad perspective of Mediterranean history, we can place them 1. The history of changing Mediterranean hospitality practices has been carefully traced in the medieval period by Olivia Remie Constable in her book Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World.

However, documentary evidence suggests that the sums expended on the provisions, equipment, and staff of these kitchens accounted for a major proportion of the annual expenditures of the complexes. The imarets thus deserve close attention as the object of philanthropic spending, signaling the importance attached to providing food and sustaining certain population groups. Diet and nutrition affect physical and psychological health, directly influencing individual development, strength, cognitive abilities, emotions, productivity, Olivia Remie Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean 2 World: Cambridge 3 University Press, Differences of diet among the richer and poorer in any society are also one of the most important markers of their respective status.

The foods that figure in charitable distributions are also an indication of the aims of the donors and the potential impact of the donation, in both substantive and symbolic terms. It adds an additional perspective to the idea that philanthropic endeavors serve as a tool of imperial legitimation: Yet the complexes were multi-purpose not only in their social and cultural services. They also served to define what was Ottoman and to spread particular aspects of Ottoman culture across the empire. Most of the current understanding about food in imarets is gleaned from the texts of the vakfiyes endowment deeds drawn up by their founders.

Typically, these documents included at least a minimal description of the dishes that were to be prepared in the kitchen, a budget for the necessary ingredients and a list of the intended clientele. Soup or stew served with bread appeared most frequently on imaret menus throughout the Ottoman Empire, for all clients. The richer dishes of dane a savory meat stew with rice and zerde a rice dish sweetened with honey and flavored with saffron were widely stipulated for the menus of festival days such as Friday and Ramadan nights, and sometimes daily for See, for example, the frequent references to food in Nathalie Zemon 4 Davis, The Gift Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, Although it is difficult to calculate precisely, imarets seem to have been important agents in the daily sustenance of Ottoman urban populations.

The historian Stephan Yerasimos estimated that around the year , food and bread were distributed daily to approximately fifteen percent of the population of Istanbul, from imarets and other endowments in the city which fulfilled similar purposes. If fifteen percent was typical of Ottoman towns which had imarets, then, when the imarets and similar institutions functioned reasonably well, they played a significant role in sustaining and shaping Ottoman society, physically and socially. Thus, it is worth exploring the uniformity and diversity of imaret menus and service even as defined normatively in the foundation deeds: Neumann and Amy Singer Istanbul: Haim Gerber has also discussed the relative importance of imarets 6 in providing daily sustenance, for which see H.

At the same time, the uniformities discovered among kitchens clarify the ideology that infused the establishment of imarets and shaped their prototype. Accounting for Food Somewhat surprisingly, Ottoman imarets as distant from each other as Istanbul and Jerusalem were meant to serve their clients much the same foods. This uniformity of planning not only suggests some model or archetype prevalent in the minds of the imaret founders but had immediate implications for the actual management of the kitchens.

It also had consequences for the people who ate at imarets. At the same time, several points of diversity existed in imaret menus: Distinctions were also made regarding the amounts of food served to particular groups, the order in which they ate, and the manner in which they were served, including where they consumed their food. More extensive discussions of sources for the study of imarets may be 8 found in Amy Singer, Constructing Ottoman Beneficence: They also reflect how diets were imagined to differ among people of varied social status and economic class, and so reveal another aspect of how status and class were visibly marked and reinforced in the Ottoman Empire.

While the vakfiyes often described the components of each meal as well as the ingredients of specific dishes, the muhasebe defterleri did not usually record such detail. Their very existence gives us some idea of how seriously the Ottomans regarded the matter of managing their large foundations.

Walter Bianchi

Muhasebe defterleri are all about business, with almost no descriptive information, anecdotes or observations. They are useful when analyzed for the categories of accounting and when it is possible to use several registers in sequence. Occasionally, marginal or explanatory notes, for example on about the cost of replacing or repairing implements reveal details about how meals were prepared, served, and consumed, how foodstuffs were acquired and stored, and how kitchens were cleaned and maintained.

For a discussion of kitchen maintenance, see: Chronicles are more anecdotal in their records; where they record feasts and festivities, they contribute important and unanticipated detail to our study. Their proliferation in the Ottoman lands gave a particular, Ottoman expression to a much older practice — distributing food free of charge to defined sectors or groups in the population. The uniformity of dishes in imarets across the empire worked as an Ottomanizing mechanism. Like any cultural mode — dress, language, or aesthetic design — the imperial culinary frame could also absorb and co-exist with local forms and practices.

In this way, imperial forms were altered and adjusted to fit better, if not perfectly into local contexts. This is yet another part of the Ottomanization — localization paradigm that has been articulated so fruitfully, albeit for a different period, to analyze the dynamic interaction between imperial officials posted to the provinces and the local notables who were incorporated into the ranks of Ottoman officialdom, creating an Ottoman ruling class.

It offers an important opportunity to comparison meals to be served to varying ranks of individuals with those served in the imarets. A History from Within, ed. Cambridge University Press, See also the discussion. More specifically, the uniformity in imarets disseminated a specific idea of the size and shape of a basic daily subsistence meal, at least as imagined by the Ottoman elites.

They established a standard norm against which to judge the imarets themselves, as well as other hosts, whether private individuals or institutions including sufi tekkes, janissary kitchens, and imperial palaces. The uniformity in imarets also created a certain level of expectation among their clients: In contrast, the diversity in meals at the imarets signaled to the clients how their relative status was perceived by their Ottoman hosts, when compared with the other people served from the same source. As is familiar to those studying Ottoman history, the most typical dishes served in imarets were bread together with either bulgur soup in the evening or rice soup in the morning, fortified with fat and onions, sometimes meat, and flavored with pepper and vegetables.

The vegetables depended on the season of the year and the location of the imaret. Additional ingredients — pulses, yogurt, herbs, and spices — might be taken from local suppliers, kitchen gardens or other nearby sources. Watenpaugh, The Image of an Ottoman City: These two dishes were iconic for Ottoman feasts of all kinds. Dane and zerde were on the menu at all of them. It was most regularly repeated at three-month intervals when the janissaries were admitted to the imperial palace, waiting in silence to receive their quarterly pay at an official ceremony.

After being paid, they were offered dane and zerde on copper trays laid on the ground. This spectacle acknowledged the sultan as the provider and the janissaries as his disciplined, aggressive and energetic fighting force. They were as predictable then as are pasta and espresso in Italy, cheese in France or a pint in an English pub in our own day. We are accustomed to think of the imperial palace as the paradigm for household organization among Ottoman officials, so perhaps the same is true regarding the imarets. Zerde was also served frequently in the palace, cooked in the usual way but with the addition of ground hazelnuts and almonds.

This version of zerde may have been a richer and more prestigious version of the usual dish. From a contemporary perspective, the uniformity of meals may seem a monotonous routine for the mosque complex staff, the scholars, students and sufis who ate the same thing day after day. Yet a relatively simple and locally unvarying menu was probably a constant of life for the vast majority of people in the pre-modern world.

Marginal variations reflected the change of seasons, and richer fare marked collective festivals and private celebrations. For everyone, the uniformity reflected a measure of imperial stability and the financial health of the institution at which they were hosted. The capacity of an imaret, any imaret, to serve its clients the minimum expected was a public declaration that things were as they should be. Even at festivals there were no surprises when it came to the food, since specific foods helped to define the festivals themselves. The familiar dishes of dane and zerde provided another measure that life was continuing undisturbed and that Ottoman power was intact.

Despite its empire-wide uniformity, the food at the imarets was unfamiliar to some Ottoman subjects. The vast geographic span of the empire encompassed numerous and only partially overlapping culinary cultures. For example, vakfiyes for imarets in the region of Damascus included explanations of the dishes with phrases like: For the philanthropic endeavors of the Ottomans to be effective and acquire meaning among their subject populations, they needed to resonate. Another was quality, equally important in Istanbul as in the provinces. Having established a horizon of expectations among their clients, imarets that failed to deliver the usual fare might compromise far more than their own local reputations.

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Diversity Although the basic daily and festival menus established a uniformity among the imarets, diversity and distinction were also integral features of these kitchens, mirroring the ways in which diversities and distinctions were integral to philanthropic endeavors more generally. Not only does philanthropy exist because of economic and social diversities, but recipients are assigned differential status, starting from complete exclusion and ranging along continuums of greater and lesser deservedness.

In the imarets, these distinctions were reflected in what and how much people were served, where they were served, and the order in which they received food. The best-documented of the imarets were those that belonged to imperial foundations in major Ottoman cities. Their records describe a range of dishes served to clients whose status varied widely.

As in many places, travelers arriving at the Fatih complex in Istanbul were meant to receive honey and bread at the imaret immediately upon their arrival, to revive them after their journey. In Edirne, at the imaret of Bayezid II, the charter mandated that guests be treated according to their status,25 and be received initially with sweets and jams and pickles as part of their welcome. These two dishes were the Ottoman holiday uniform.