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Media and agenda setting: Public Opinion Quarterly 47 1 , , Goetz's attention to the demise of these New Deal-era public housing programs reveals how the politics of location, shaped by historical racial and class-based inequalities, become reinforced in the present. Local histories, inflected by what Dolores Hayden terms "the power of place," also shaped the political process that led to displacement and redevelopment. In Atlanta, new political leadership at the municipal level—including a new mayor, Bill Campbell , who appointed Renee Glover, a former corporate finance attorney, CEO of the housing authority in —sidelined the previous mayor's initial commitment to rehabilitate and renovate public housing.
Demolition became the strategy, one that expanded exponentially when Atlanta secured the Olympics In New Orleans, local officials took advantage of the man-made disaster that accompanied Hurricane Katrina to advance an agenda guided, in part, by the federal government's new predilection to privatize public housing The hurricane and its temporary displacement of public housing tenants—all of them black—provided an opportunity for local officials to demolish complexes and racially and economically remake urban space.
A Review of "New deal ruins: race, economic justice and public housing policy", By Edward G. Goetz
Proponents of alleviating spatially concentrated poverty also supported the move toward government backing of private-sector redevelopment initiatives. For instance, civil rights attorney Alexander Polikoff described HOPE VI mixed-income developments as "a hopeful and important step in the direction of de-concentrating poverty.
Across the country, where the de-concentration of poverty occurred, it was not necessarily because poor people were no longer poor. The new orthodoxy of urban planning helped to relocate poverty and to continue a longstanding racial practice—displacing primarily black people for the sake of broader development agendas that rarely benefited them in substantive, sustained, or collective ways.
Moreover, according to Goetz, race unquestionably played a significant role in determining which complexes met their demise and which were left standing. This was not simply because a disproportionate percentage of black people lived in public housing, or because public housing existed disproportionately in minority neighborhoods. Instead, New Deal Ruins documents this inequality, arguing forthrightly, "In cities where public housing is most associated with black tenants, it is most likely to be demolished " , italics added.
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Goetz's multi-layered analysis of housing policy and redevelopment explicitly examines black removal from urban spaces and the perpetuation of racialized poverty. In these ways, Goetz does not fail—as discourses of disaster often do—to present public housing residents as real people. Despite the challenges inherent to their spaces and places of living, residents nevertheless experienced personal hardships and joys, made families and memories, engaged in activism, and expressed their viewpoints—including their differing opinions on the fate of their subsidized residences.
This was true in Baltimore and cities across the country where implosion became the policy of choice. For my book, The Politics of Public Housing , I remember interviewing two tenant activists in Lexington Terrace , one of four family high-rise public housing complexes slated for demolition in the inner city of Baltimore in the s.
A Review of "New deal ruins: race, economic justice and public housing policy", By Edward G. Goetz
Lorraine Ledbetter expressed hope that the implosion of Lexington Terrace would benefit residents. Barbara "Bobbie" McKinney, however, vociferously disagreed. McKinney believed that residents were merely viewed as obstacles in the path of redevelopment, not potential beneficiaries.
Reading New Deal Ruins , I recalled the day that I sat in Bobbie's apartment and she shared her fear and anger that the support networks and sense of community forged by tenants—even amid the dangers they had to navigate—would be destroyed and never replaced. In the late s and the first decade of the twenty-first century, public housing residents protested privatization, demolition, and displacement.
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Their protests also had local parlances—not surprisingly, given the immediate political contexts they confronted. In Chicago, tenants formed the Coalition to Protect Public Housing CPPH to organize demonstrations, prevent evictions, challenge de facto demolition policies, and fight for one-for-one replacement of public housing units. In New Orleans, residents unsuccessfully waged a two-year resistance campaign to prevent closure of their complexes. There, the state played a role in the residents' eventual defeat: SWAT forcibly evicted protesting tenants, and HUD threatened to withdraw promised housing vouchers if the city council gave into tenants' demands In Atlanta, tenants in specific complexes sued for improved relocation initiatives, and in response to the Atlanta Housing Authority 's wholesale demolition agenda, which included senior buildings, the resident advisory board filed a civil rights complaint evoking the Fair Housing Act of In all three of these cities and many others , resident activists felt shunted to the side to advance the interests of business and political elites.
While reasonably arguing that the experiences of those forcibly removed "defy easy generalizations, either positive or negative" , Goetz maintains that the "demolition of public housing has for the most part not produced significant or consistent benefits for the very low income families displaced" Ultimately, he concludes that public housing policy, which claims to improve the conditions of low-income people, has been "hijacked to serve a development agenda that had a different set of objectives, objectives focused on the dispersal of low-income residents, the elimination of public housing communities, and the facilitation of private-sector reinvestment in urban areas that had been in that respect neglected for decades" The cautionary message is clear: When it comes to public housing redevelopment, in particular, success must be measured in one signal way: On this score, the record fails.
New Deal Ruins concludes with general recommendations for ending policies that extend racial and economic injustices. Goetz argues that preserving a state-owned, managed, and supported public housing program does not mean maintaining ineptness, mismanagement, or un-defensible low-income apartments. Demolition and disposition can no longer serve as the unthinking solution.
Planning Accreditation Board: Edward G. Goetz, Ph.D
Governments should support programs for those who want to stay and those who want to move, replace each unit demolished, and, overall, expand affordable residential options. Williams is an associate professor of history and founder and director of the Social Justice Institute at Case Western Reserve University.
She is the author of Concrete Demands: Her book The Politics of Public Housing: Freedom's Bittersweet Song New York: Driven from New Orleans: University of Minnesota Press, Deconcentrating the Poor in Urban America. The Urban Institute Press, From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution. Heatherton, Christina, and Jordan T. Struggles for the Human Right to Housing in L.
Freedom Now Books, University of Chicago Press, The Politics of Public Housing: Oxford University Press, DeLuca, Stefanie and Jessi Stafford. Voices of the Baltimore Housing Mobility Program. Eads, David and Helga Salinas. Photos by Patricia Evans. The End of Chicago's Public Housing.
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