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Johann Jakob von Wunsch
Set up a giveaway. There's a problem loading this menu right now. Learn more about Amazon Prime. Get fast, free shipping with Amazon Prime. Get to Know Us. English Choose a language for shopping. Not Enabled Word Wise: Enabled Amazon Best Sellers Rank: There are indeed many different sensibilities, but the point is that we have enough points in common to work together. But do you think France Insoumise has done enough to go beyond the failings of the institutional left on this score, for instance in terms of opposing police violence?
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In the first parliamentary session one of the bills we put forward sought an end to identity checks, in order to combat the police use of racial profiling. This a key front of antiracist struggle, very well-advanced in the movement, and one on which we also work with other collectives, with respect for their autonomy. I am myself a part of the parliamentary commission on questions of justice, security, and policing, so this is a fight both at the movement and parliamentary levels.
We try to be very present in the National Assembly — indeed, we are one of the most active groups of MPs — in order to understand what is going on there and to show that we are able to advance proposed legislation. That is possible because we are also linked to associations, we work constantly on our amendments, to propose bills, to build on the information that associations give us. We use Parliament as a tribune for the struggles and mobilizations that are taking place in society itself.
Multi-volumed work
We cannot speak for the movements, or substitute for them, but we can make their voice heard. For example, Caroline Fiat, an MP who was previously a nursing assistant, has worked a lot on questions surrounding old-age care and hospitals, and so can speak out for the struggles in this sector, citing their own words. You mentioned earlier the attempts by some in the establishment media to divide France Insoumise over questions of antiracism. Do you think these appeals are actually intended to provoke such controversy over your position?
This was one of the biggest political battles of the last parliamentary session, followed by the constitutionalization of the state of emergency and then the Benalla affair. We were rightly very active around this, showing those who accused us of not having a position on migration that we were in fact on the offensive.
But the debate in Germany served as a pretext to attack us with a variety of baseless polemics. The Communist Party leadership and other currents have launched a series of statements, demanding that we sign up to their positions. Certain forces want to instrumentalize this debate in order to undermine our stance and strip away a few votes among progressive and humanist voters sensitive to these questions. And while we do discuss whether to sign up to these statements, it is difficult to do so when they are so weak politically.
Geschichte eines Teutschen der neusten Zeit
This also reflects the low level of mobilization and migrant solidarity, for these are pure petitions of principle, not even saying whom they are addressed to. They take a defeatist stance: Others are, I think, using this issue unfairly and mistakenly at a time when Macron is falsely presenting himself as the anti-Salvini even though he conducts exactly the same policy.
And we need a more offensive and clear strategy than petitions can themselves offer. My own constituency lies across the 18th and 19th arrondissement of Paris, and the 18th is the place with the highest numbers of migrants arriving and the highest numbers sleeping in the streets. Over the last year I have been very much confronted with the question of migrant reception, working with associations on the ground. This makes it all the more insulting to then be accused of being against welcoming migrants, when we are fighting this battle all the time. But at the same time, migration cannot be the central question of the European elections.
We are for welcoming people in dignified conditions.
Sämtliche Werke - Band 1 Anton Reiser
But we also see how the powers-that-be instrumentalize this debate in a way that only feeds the Front National, at the end of twenty years in which people have been told that immigrants are the problem. That is at the center of our campaign for the European elections. Looking forward to the European election, what do you see as the bases for bringing together these movements, and how can Europe be changed? Something has changed in Europe. When I became politically active Italy was the land of the European Social Forum in Florence, of [the anti-G8 protests] in Genoa, of Rifondazione Comunista; the radical left and the antiwar movement were a point of reference for us all, and the center-left and Christian Democratic left were in office.
This is the confirmation of the way in which the extreme right and the extreme center feed one another.
We draw inspiration from the alter-globalization movements, from the European social movements. So, we have the bases for saying what needs to be done differently.
It may have had no other choice. But for us, the important thing is to say that we are ready to disobey the European treaties. The European left is divided by the question of whether it is possible to change things within the existing framework. We and others like us are fighting to change these treaties, a neoliberal straitjacket which is suffocating the peoples of Europe. You cannot change the distribution of wealth within those treaties; so, if the rules remain the same, we will have to implement our program regardless of them.
We may not all share exactly the same positions on Europe in theory, but the Greek case produced a shared practical view: Breaking Bank Issue The Health of Nations Issue The First Red Century Issue By Taking Power Issue Journey to the Dark Side Issue The Party We Need Issue Rank and File Issue Between the Risings Issue