Vidas cruzadas (Harlequin Internacional) (Spanish Edition)

To describe the events of the war and his part in it was the primary purpose in writing La Araucana. A Seventeenth century manuscript in Spanish of proposals for the invasion of England by the " Invincible Armada " of Attempts should be made to enlist the help of English Catholics and induce them to revolt against the Queen.

A further scheme suggested that the King of Spain, should join forces with the King of Scotland, " offering to put him in possession of England and marry him to a member of the House of Austria, and to take as his watchword the extirpation of the heresies of that country [England]; the vengeance of the murder of the Queen of Scotland; and to have also an understanding with the Scottish and English Catholics and the patronage of the Pope.

And that Monsieur de Guise, being so much indebted to the Crown of Scotland, should favour the scheme, so that France should offer no hindrance. Some considered it expedient to muster a vast armada off the coast of Spain in secret; that there should be some fifty thousand troops1 of which twelve or fifteen thousand should remain afloat to guard the seas from intruders! Dover which is the fortress nearest the Thames and which, being fortified, could be taken in two days; and, in two more, the remaining citadels which lie nearer the mouth of the river, whence the Armada might proceed to London.

That his Majesty should have in Germany a number of German Cavalry and Infantry; and in Flanders, a fair-sized army in readiness, to help if necessary; and to hold in check the rebels in those states and the King of France also, if he should want to enter them; and for the purpose, likewise, of invading his territory, should he attempt to create a diversion in Burgundy, Italy or Spain Other advisers suggested that the invasion should take place from Ireland, where an invasion would afford fewer initial difficulties, " and the Irish would, with any excuse, rebel against the Queen as they have done on previous occasions.

Finally, it was suggested that the Armada should be sent to Flanders, there to join the troops of the Duke of Parma, and " that he, in person, should make war according to the plans now decided upon by those who are conducting the matter. Neither was it likely that the English Catholics would desert their Queen on religious grounds; and " still less is the King of Scotland to be relied upon as an ally, for, having little power in, his own country where the majority of his vassals are heretics," he would prefer the comfortable alternative of awaiting her Majesty's death, when he would succeed to the throne in the normal course of events, rather than throw in his lot with the Spanish King and find his country oppressively overrun; with Spaniards.

Thus it was decided that the only practicable scheme was that by which the King of Spain should tackle Britain single-handed. The Low Countries could make a gallant defence and muster a similar number and maintain twenty or twenty-five for some considerable time; and France could dispose of as many as she pleased, because practically all her maritime resources would be in home waters. Therefore, what with England's own Navy, and the auxiliary ones, the fighting fleet would consist of a vast number of ships. Moreover, they would be able to put into friendly ports in, France, Holland and Zealand, and obtain all the supplies they required.

For the which, as his Majesty's armada would have to land sufficient troops in England to conquer that country. The writer is somewhat pessimistic over Spain's chances of carrying out her designs in England successfully; all the conditions, from the storms which they would probably encounter in seas which their sailors were unaccustomed to, to the impossibility of seeking shelter in any port in Northern Europe should.

And without immediate success, they would indeed be lost. Another consideration was the probability of treachery on the part of the Protestant German Princes and the French, "who might promise to remain neutral, and be so at first, but seeing the extreme inconvenience to themselves arising from his Majesty's conquest of England and consequent subjugation of Flanders they might in the course of a night, decide to band themselves together, Catholics and Huguenots-of whom there are more than seventy thousand trained and experienced troops-and effect an easy entry into England on account of the proximity of their ports," where the war might be prolonged whilst they sought "diversions" in other places and would "certainly induce the Turk to send an armada, seeing his Majesty fully occupied with the engagement in England.

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In addition to this, the advanced age of the King, and the youth and inexperience of the Prince, made it all the more advisable to seek " peace with the Englishwoman on the best terms; and if she would give up her possessions in Holland, Flanders and Zealand, it might be expedient to postpone treating for other things "-in othe words, to follow the example of Ferdinand V. And nowe first translated into English, by M. Small 4to, full morocco gilt, g. Imprinted at London for William Brome, The volume is divided into several sections: Mexico Peru, and the adjacent kingdoms of South America, from the year This in reality forms part of the previous Spanish tract, alth6ugh sometimes treated as a separate item, and contains the narrative of a Spanish traveller who witnessed some of the enormitiesi practised upon the natives by the Spaniards.

The last 14 leaves of the book contain abridgements of two other Las Casas tracts, the first containing a series of " remedies This copy has the title in excellent facsimile, four other leaves of the preface have also been repaired. The Historie of Cambria, now called Wales: A part of the most famous Yland of Brytaine, written in the Brytish Language aboue two hundreth yeares past: Corrected, augmented, and continued out of Records and best approoued Authors, by David Powel, Doctor in divinitie.

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Black and Roman Letter, Title within fine woodcut border, and numerous woodcuts in the text. Small 4to, morocco gilt, g. The rare original edition, with the genuine blank leaf B4. Whereupon it is manifest that that countrie was long before by Brytaines discovered, afore either Columbus or Americus Vesputius lead anie Spaniards thither. I Costumi, de Leggi, et l'Usanze di tutte le Genti. Aggiuntovi di nuovo il Quarto Libro, nelquale si narra i costumi, et l'usanze dell' Indie Occidentali, overo Mondo Novo: Thick I2mo, old half calf.

Venice, Giacomo Cornetti, I Title shaved by the binder at the top. Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam, qum et America dicitur. Folding woodcut plate representing the battle of the Tououpanimbaults with the Margaiats slightly cut into by the binder , and 7 woodcut plates in the text. Small 8vo, original vellum.

Vidas cruzadas

Geneva , Eustathius Vignon, I The enterprise was a failure, and Lery wrote this account on his return. This Latin edition is more valuable than the original, as it contains passages that were suppressed in the French edition. Among other matters the author gives musical notes to show the intonation of the Caraibs. Even the preface is most interesting as in it is to be found the letter written to Calvin by Villegagnon, so celebrated for deceiving the English squadron, by unexpectedly circumnavigating Scotland and conveying from its west coast Mary Queen of Scots safely into Brittany.

The entire work bears internal evidence of truth, and such only as an eye-witness of the events could have composed. One of its objects was to introduce the Protestant Faith into South America, especially among the aborigines. Autograph confidential Report signed in Spanish in which the writer exposes the malice of the Viceroy of New Spain, Don Alvaro Manrique de Zuiiga, Marquis de Villamanrique, and describes his own services to the Crown, and adventures.

He had bitter contentions with the Dominican, Franciscan and Augustinian Provincials over the question of compliance with the King's instructions with regard to the secularization of the curacies which those orders administered This corsair had travelled the Pacific in previous years, causing damage to the provinces of Jalisco and Sinaloa. The Viceroy had ordered the ships at Acapulco to be in readiness and nominated Dr. Palacios as head of the expedition, but although these ships pursued the English, they were unable to find them.

The news of these differences was probably exaggerated, but caused much uneasiness at the Court of Spain, which feared civil war, for which reason they hastened to remove the Marquis de Villamanrique from the supreme conmmand, and appointed as Inspector Visitador the Bishop of Puebla, Don Diego Romano, who treated the Marques very harshly, ordering his property to be seized, even to the wearing apparel of the Marquesa; but although the Council for the Indies ordered the embargo to he removed, the Marquis died in Madrid without having recovered his property.

The writer states that he is not prompted by malice, but merely by an honest desire to serve his king and country's interests in reporting these incidents. The Governor began his campaign of annoyance by issuing orders before he had been properly sworn in as Viceroy. He then proceeded to dismiss as many officials as he pleased, in defiance of the King's expressed wishes, and appointed his own friends.

He ordered that Don Diego Caballero, a priest, who had reported certain irregularities to the Visitador, should be arrested and sent to Acapulco for banishment to Peru, but subsequently rescinded the order, and, to the indignation of the people, had the priest conveyed back to San Juan de Uloa in a wooden cage, in which he passed through the Indian encampments and infected areas " with no other object in view than that this honoured and esteemed priest should die under such conditions.

He states how he called on the Viceroy and informed him that he had been " a respected resident of that city for twenty-five years, and had in every way served his Majesty Philip II. His efforts to obtain permission to travel proved fruitless, the Viceroy suspecting this zealous royalist of endeavouring to communicate his information to headquarters; and instead of granting him leave to travel, the Viceroy ordered him to be arrested, his house searched and many papers seized. Herrera escaped, however, leaving behind him his wife and children, and tried to get aboard one of the ships of the Spanish fleet.

Arrived at Tlaxcala, however, he sought sanctuary at the Franciscan Monasterv of Atiliqueza, where the Viceroy's men ran him to earth, with warrants to seize him whether he happened to be in a monastery or church. He was therefore obliged to flee from the monastery and proceed to a place where the Viceroy had no authority. This long report contains a most interesting relation of the vicissitudes of Martin de Herrera and his brother, Diego; and of their efforts to enlist the sympathy of the Consejo de Indias.

About six lines from the top of each page have been torn away, but the greater part of the text is quite legible. Royal Decree in Spanish ordering the repatriation from America, of monks who had become priests and were no longer under the control of the prelates of their respective Orders.

Some of the papers are signed and sealed; in a few cases the seal has been cut out and the top edges of most of the pages are waterstained and torn away, but the greater part of the text is not affected. It is also an interesting record of the local quarrels in New Spain, amounting almost to civil war, with which this Viceroy's regime is associated. Indeed, the reports received in Madrid gave rise to so much uneasiness at the Court, where the King of Spain's frustrated schemes for the subjugation of Europe were already causing him grave anxiety, that the Viceroy was subsequently recalled to Spain, lest Spain should lose some of her supremacy in the New World.

Letter signed in Spanish to the Marquis de Villamanrique, Viceroy of Mexico, in which he states that he has tried to get the officials of the Audiencia to obey the Viceroy's orders, but without effect, and that they have threatened to defend themselves with armed forces. Guadalajara, 20th May, I Manuscript Declaration in Spanish to the effect that the members of the Real Audiencia had met to discuss the best means of dealing with the situation forced upon them by the Marquis de Villamanrique, Viceroy of New Spain, who, having claimed the right of Governorship over the Province of Nueva Galicia, had surrounded the office of the Real Audiencia with armed troops and had ordered the arrest of some of the members.

Guadalajara, 20th April, I Contemporary official transcript in Spanish of the decree issued by the Marques de Villamanrique, Viceroy of New Spain, in which the suspension of Don N. Mexico, 20th May, I Mexico, 5th May, Contemporary transcript of letter in Spanish from the Viceroy of New Spain to the Bishop of Guadalajara, in which the former sternly admonishes the Real Audiencia for " disobeying His Majesty's orders," and creating disturbances, and appeals to the clergy to maintain order and avert further trouble.

Mexico, 15th May, I Letter signed in Spanish to the Marquis de Villamanrique, Viceroy of New Spain, from the Real Audiencia at Guadalajara, in which they protest against his action in sending troops to enforce his wishes, and explain with oomic politeness their own reasons for protecting themselves with rival armed forces.

Guadalajara, 15th May, Letter signed in Spanish to the Marquis de Villamanrique, Viceroy of New Spain, in which these two officials of the Real Audiencia blandly inform the Viceroy that their desire to be in 1' perfect accord " with him was so great, that they were sending an emissary, Don Francisco de Pareja, a magistrate of Guadalajara, to enquire whether the Government was in the hands of the Viceroy or the Real Audiencia. Guadalajara, I3th April, Contemporary transcript of two letters in Spanish from the Marquis de Villamanrique, Viceroy of New Spain, i to the Real Audiencia of New Galicia, stating that he had sent Gil Verdugo Davila to their capital to notify them that two of the members of the Audiencia, Villavicencio and Pinedo, were to be arrested for not having complied with his orders to appear before him , and for continuing in office after they had been dismissed by him; 2 letter to Gil Verdugo Davila ordering him to return and to give an account to the King of Spain Philip II.

Mexico, 26th May, I Contemporary transcript of letter from the Viceroy of New Spain to the Bishop of Galicia, in which he refers to the arrest of two officials of the Real Audiencia who remained in office after their dismissal and got married without due licence. Mexico, 17th May, T He mentions the marriage of these officials as a grave offence, because at that period, Treasury and other officials in New Spain were not allowed to marry the daughters of other Treasury officials without a special licence from the King.

Manuscript contract in Spanish for the construction of two Galleons of tons, for transatlantic transport. Seville, 2nd April, A sum of fourteen thousand ducats was also to be advanced to the builder to assist him with his expenses, and this was to be paid off against the monies " earned by the galleons. Manuscript agreement in Spanish by Juan de Urive Pallua to build two Galleons according to King Philip's specifications; and to keep them in repair for a period of ten years.

Together with two original documents signed by Don Fernando Urtado de Mendoca, Captain-General of the Province of Guipuzcoa, issued on instructions from the King's Secretary, authorizing the construction of the Galleons for transatlantic service. With draft of the same. Puerto de Pasaje near San Sebastian , 28th April, With an inventory of the Viceroy's property on which the Bishop had placed an embargo. Xalapa, I6th April, There were bitter contentions between this Viceroy and the Ecclesiastical authorities, as with the Real Audiencia at Guadalajara, which led to both parties raising troops, each ostensibly in self-defence.

Exaggerated reports were communicated to Spain. His treatment of the Viceroy was severe, and it was he who ordered the confiscation of the Viceroy's property and that of the Vicereine. This interesting manuscript gives the original text of the inventory, and. Villamanrique Marques de, Viceroy of Mexico -continucd.

There is a record of the Bishop's statement referring to the somewhat pathetic exit of the Viceroy from the country from which he had recently been dismissed; and he refers to a petition from the Marquesa for a licence to proceed to Castille and that the embargo on her personal property should be withdrawn. Title within woodcut border representing the signs of the Zodiac; and numerous astrological and geographical woodcuts.

Small 4to, full calf, blind stamped, gilt panelled back. Coimbra, Antonio de Barreira, I This curious work which deals principally with astrology and meteorology, has an interesting chapter on the "fourth continent of the world "-the " Spanish Indies " or New World. A woodcut map of the Globe depicts Brazil and the Southern Continent. Sphaerae utriusq; tabella, ad Sphaerae Luius mundi faoiliorem enucleationem.

With numerous astronomical woodcuts. I2mo, vellum, gilt back. Jnnocencio da Silva, No. Amongst the many interesting old woodcuts contained in this volume is a very curious map of the world, showing the American continent according to the sixteenth-century conception of it. The author, who was considered a classic in his particular subject-mathematics-was born in Lisbon in He was professor of Mathematics at,Coimbra University from to On the death of his wife, he took Holy Orders and was attached to the Cathedral at Coimbra.

The date of his death is unknown, but Barbosa states that he was still alive in The book is extremely scarce and seems to be unknown to bibliographers of Americana. His Exercises, containing sixe Treatises: London, John Windet, I The six treatises comprise: Of Arithmetike, and a Briefe Description of the tables of the three speciall right lines belonging to a Circle, called Sines, lines Tangent, and lines Secant. A plaine Treatise of the first principles of Cosmographie, and specially of the Spheare, representing the shape of the whole world.

A plaine description of Mercator, his two Globes Whereunto is added a briefe discription of the two great Globes lately set foorth by M. Also the voyage of Mr. Candish unto the West and East Indies. A plaine and full description of Petrus Plancius his Universall Map, serving both for sea and land, and by him lately put foorth in In which Mappe are set downe many more places, as well of both the Indies as of Afrique A very brief and most plaine description of Maister Blagrave his Astrolabe.

A new and necessarie Treatise of Nauigation containing all the chiefest principles of that Arte. With a woodcut of a ship on the title. Unfortunately the last three leaves of table are missing from this treatise, otherwise the volume is in good condition. Summa de los capitulos y puntos principales que se pueden sacar y reducir a mejor orden y estilo, de todo lo que en estos libros se contiene. Summary of the principal chapters and points elucidated from the contents of these books.

Manuscript volume, in Spanish and Latin, signed by Christoval Nufiez de Leon, and " rubricated " on each leaf with his paraphe, containing a summary of the laws affecting the Indian subjects of the Spanish Crown in America, since the early part of the sixteenth century. There is no record of the work ever having been printed: Particulars of the apostolio bulls granting rights of patronage in those parts. Whether they must observe the rules of monastic life, and Philip II.

The system of tributes exacted by the Romans, and the means of collecting personal and Royal tributes from the Indians. Comparison with the office of the Roman Proconsuls. Their need of a knowledge of military matters as Captain General of the Dominion. Also whether the Viceroy might take action against any judge who may have contracted a marriage in contravention of the Royal Decree on the subject.

The remainder of the summary refers to various other points of Spanish law in America. With 64 finely engraved maps. The first issue of a new edition, with new maps, edited by Giovanni Antonio Magini of Padua. The 64 copper plate maps prepared for this edition, and engraved by Girolamo Porro, are on a smaller scale, and better executed than those in the edition.

With a few exceptions, each map fills the verso of a single leaf. The first 27 leaves of the second part contain the 27 ancient maps of the world, with the old descriptions of Ptolemy, then, follows the modern account of the world with the up-to-date maps, nine of which relate to America. The famous astronomer and geographer, Ptolemaeus Claudius, flourished at Alexandria about A. His Geography was the great authority on the subject for thirteen centuries. Manuscript in Spanish containing instructions for the administration of an estate in Santospiritu.

Unusually clear handwriting for the period, in a remarkably good state of preservation. Descriptionis Ptolemaicae Augmentum, sive Occidentis Notitia brevi oommentario illustrata, et hac secunda editione magna sui parte aucta Cornelio Wytfliet Lovaniensi auctore. Engraved title-page and I9 fine engraved American Maps. Small folio, old half calf. Louvain, Gerard Rivius, The first ninety-two pages of text contain a general account of the discovery and exploration of America, and a long description of the particular countries accompanies each map.

There is a small wormhole in the first few pages and an old library stamp on the title, olherwise the book is a very good copy. Long Island Sound is not shown. The Hudson is called Rio Grande. An island called Claudia, to the eastward was so named by Verazzano, who discovered the entrance to the Hudson River in , and is the 'nly place on the coast to which he gave a name. From this island Verrazzano sailed north into a spacious bay Narragansett where he lay two weeks trading with the natives.

The island was known as Claudia till one of the Dutch Colonists, Adrien Blok, called it after himself, Block Island, which name it still bears. Narratio Regionum Indicarum per Hispanos quosdam devastatarum verissima, etc. Engraved title-page and 17 engraved plates in the text illustrative of the Spanish cruelties against the American Indians. Small 4to, half morocco.

This edition was translated from the French issue of The plates were designed by Iodocus a Winghe, each one occupies three quarters of a page. This particular edition is much sought for in consequence of the beauty of the first impressions of the plates. Engraved vignette on title, and 32 copper-plate engravings in the text of ships, maps, bear hunting and sealing scenes, etc. Small 4to, fine copy in full levant morocco, gilt, g. The famous Dutchman William Barents sailed along that coast in , and various other Dutch expeditions sought to discover a new route to the East Indies by way of the North-East Passage.

Spain had control of the route round South America, and Portugal controlled the route round South Africa and for expeditions of other nations, notably the English and Dutch, to attempt these routes usually meant fighting the Spanish and Portuguese, and the probable loss of part or all the fruits of their trading, consequently the discovery of another route to the East would have been of the greatest value to them. Relacion Historiada de las exequias funerales de la magestad del Rey D. Donde trata de las Virtudes esclarecidas de su Magestad, y transito felicissimo: Mexico City, Pedro Balli, I Only knew of two copies.

Tratado de la Importancia y utilidad que ay en dar por esclavos a los Indios rebelados de Chile. Santiago de Chile, c. Parecer de un Hombre Docto en la facultad de Teologia y Canones, y Lector de la misma facultad, y de muchos alos de experiencia en las cosas de las Indias, cerca del servicio personal de los Indios del Piru y Nueva Espana. He is of the opinion that forced labour is permissable in the interests of the Crown, but if kept within conscientious bounds, need not degenerate into an imposition of slavery.

Engraved vignette of ships, etc. Amsterdam, Corneille Nicolas, I The Spanish and Portuguese to a large extent controlled the routes to the East via South America and South Africa, so the English and Dutch attempted to find new, shorter and unguarded routes by way of the North-East and NorthWest passages.

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Although each of these attempted discoveries were not ultimately attained until the middle of the nineteenth century, yet the numerous voyages made for their discovery led to a great many important and valuable explorations and discoveries along the coasts of North America, Siberia, and Nova Zembla during the course of four centuries. Al Rey Don Philipe nuestro Sehor. Valladolid, Pedro Lasso, A year later, he arrived in the Philippines, and after performing his priestly duties in Manila for nearlv two and a half years, was sent to the Peninsula on business connected with his Order The Dominican ; in February, , he set out for East India remaining at Mal'cca some two years, and from there he proceeded to Ceylo-n and other islands of the Archipelago, to Cochin and Goa.

He left for Europe in , arriving six months later at Lisbon, en route for Madrid. Antonio de Morga's prose relations, and those of Captain Andres Lariz Durango in verse, are being prepared for publication, I venture to give Your Majesty this little report of the events in Cambodia, so that the false reports that have been circulated may finally be dissipated. Conde de Baylen, who acting upon the stirring reports from Captain Pedro Sebil, had decided to make vigorous war upon the states of Cambodia, Cochinchina, Chumpon and Siam, with a view to reducing them to submission to the Spanish Crown, and to Christianity.

The reasons given for their conquest were that: Moreover, the wealth of Cambodia, Tonkin, Siam, etc. Intreating of the remarkeable things of Heaven, of the Elements, Mettalls, Plants and Beasts which are proper to that Country: Written in Spanish by the R. Joseph Acosta, and translated into English by E.. London, Printed by Val: Sims for Edward Blount and William Aspley, A very fine copy of one of the most celebrated early works on America. Especially important for its particulars concerning the state of South America at that time, and the early history of the Indians of Peru and Mexico.

Acosta lived in America for seventeen years and was a missionary in Peru from to , after which he stayed in Mexico for over two years. He was a careful and accurate observer of all that he saw, and his work is of great intrinsic value. Part of the work was written during his stay in Peru, and was completed after his return to Spain, it became a standard authority and attained great popularity, being translated into nearly every European language.

This, the first English Edition, is supposed to have been translated by Edward Grimston. I2mo, fine copy in crimson levant morocco, gilt, g. Madrid, Juan de la Cuesta, The first great poem written in South America composed by the first native Chilean. Drake and his followers are also called pirates in the poem.

Its historical value is great, and the student must refer to it for many details of the conquest and settlement of Chile not to be found elsewhere. Pedro de Ona was born in the town of Valdivia when it was only just a frontier post garrisoned by forty soldiers, between and About he took part in an expedition for the suppressing of a revolt at Quito, and in published his " Arauco Subjugated " in nineteen cantos totalling sixteen, thousand lines, in commemoration of the victory of Ercilla in the War of Arauco, over the Araucan Indians.

Histoire Universelle des Indes. Divis6e en deux livres, le Premier par Cornille Wytfliet: Engraved title-page, I9 fine engraved American Maps, and 4 other small maps. Folio, old half calf. Douay, Francois Fabri, I The second part of the work, relating to the Oriental Indies, is new, occupies 52 pages, and is written by Giovanni Antonio Magini, and other historians. To this part are a series of four small engraved maps, of India, Japan, China, and the Philippine Islands. The first 24 pages contain a general account of the East Indies, and their discovery.

At the end is a long table to the two parts. T'he engraved title-page to this edition is formed by the decorative border of the old Latin edition being pasted over a slip containing the new French inscription. Quo fuperbia modo iultus omniii cen for deus copcnfat. Americus Vecputius in Lifbona. Cosmographiae Generalis Libri tres: With 5 fine engraved folding maps; small engraved view of the Escurial, and 42 small engraved maps in the text; and engraved vignette device on title.

Amsterdam, ex Officina Plantiniana, Four of the Maps are of American interest: Folding map of Europe. An extremely fine map and sea chart, shewing all that was then known of the coast and mainland of Greenland, parts of Baffin Land and Labrador Labrador is named Drogeo. Among the names given are: It is curious to note that the cartographer gives a large Island just S. On the map are various engravings of ships and whales, and a small insert map of Nova Zembla from information gained in Folding Map of the World, in the two hemispheres.

New Guinea is shewn as a huge island about the size of Australia, and the base of both hemispheres is occupied by the great Southern continent of " Terra Australis " incorporating Terra del Fuego and Magallanica. Round the sides are small insets of: Manuscript in Spanish , being a certified transcript, dated , of a Royal Decree addressed to the Real Audiencia of New Granada, instructing them to see that Lite Governor did not appoint Lieutenant Generals in that Dominion. Este memorial es traslado de otro que di a Su Magestad en mano propia quando le hable y le di cuenta deste negocio y asiento del azogue.

Memorial, presented by Pedro de Baeza to the King of Spain, with reference to the transportation of quicksilver from China to Acapulco for use in the mines of New Spain. Madrid, ist October, Pedro de Baeza, who spent a great part of his life in the service of the King in India, Malacca, China, Portugal and Spain, proposes in this Memorial to transport quicksilver frolm Canton to Acapulco, at far cheaper rates than had been possible previously. The quicksilver with which the gold and silver mines in New Spain were treated, was previously sold to the miners at the rate of 70 ducats per quintal.

Baeza proposed to provide it at a price which would enable the Spanish Government to sell it to the miners at 30 ducats per quintal, "who will therefore receive this great benefit from your Majesty, which will result in a great increase of revenue for the Royal Treasury, for if the miners obtain quicksilver so cheaply, they will be able to deal with larger quantities of precious metal, which will consequently yield a larger sum in taxes for your Majesty.

In this way large quantities of precious metal were extracted, which would otherwise have been overlooked by the miners, and lost. Madrid, 13th December, I He was to be allowed to take as many vessels as he required from Manila. Amongst the interesting conditions in this agreement, is one, by which the cargo of quicksilver was to be allowed to enter the Spanish-American ports free of all taxes or duties.

The price was fixed at forty-five ducats per quintal. Manuscript document in Spanish authorizing Field Marshall Rodrigo de Orozco to purchase silks and other merchandise up to the value of three thousand ducats, 5 pp. La Plata, I4th February, I Relacion de los Maravedis quo montan las haverias de los Creditos que dieron los Sres, Luis de Ma y Compania a diferentes personas del oro plata y Reales Mer.

Geronimo de Torres y Portugal Seville, 2nd February, Lima, Francisco de Canto, 16io. There is no reference to it in Medina, Salva, Heredia or Sabin. Salva mentions a Relacion of similar celebrations in Seville in , the book having also been printed in Seville, but the Lima publication seems to be quite unknown.

The news of Ignatius' beatification was received in Cuzco on 2nd May, , to the gratification of both Spaniards and Indians. That night there was a special peal of bells in all the Churches, Monasteries and Parishes, and at the Jesuits' house there was music with clarionets and other instruments. In the early evening, there was a grand Te Deum, chanted with the cathedral music, and there was such a vast gathering that there was not room for them all in the church.

They had placed a great alter in the principal chapel, beautifully decorated, with a large image of the blessed Padre Ignatius, flanked on either side by one of Francisco Xavier and another of Stanislaus of the same Society. Everyone wondered at the excellent manner in which the arrangements had been carried out in the space of some two hours The Dominicans came in procession chanting a Te Deum, accompanied by clarionet-music, and when that was over, they stood at the altar before the image of the beatified Ignatius and rendered their Antiphony and prayer.

Owing to the number of people who were desirous of attending the ceremony, the church remained open until nine, and the same thing occurred on the two nights following. On these nights the church was illuminated with many lights, wax tapers, candles and lamps suspended from the ceiling all over the church. There were also illuminations all over the city, particularly in the mayor's house, that of Don Pedro de Cordova Mexia, of the Order of Santiago.. On the Saturday they had had music in the Jesuits' tower until the evening, and after nine, erected a miniature castle before the Jesuits' door.

In this they placed a large wheel of gunpowder, and before setting fire to it, they burned great pans of rozin, which afforded a brilliant light like that in the illuminated church. Most of the evening was spent in enjoying a firework display of rockets and other devices with gunpowder, the great wheel being lit last of all, and while this was blazing, they played on various musical instruments.

Olivier du Nort d' Utrecht, General de quatre navires Engraved vignette of Van Noort's fleet on the title, and 25 engraved plates in the text of maps, shipping scenes, wrecks, etc. Folio, full morocco, g. The voyage of Olivier van Noort was the third of the Dutch expeditions to the East Indies for the establishment of their trade there and for ousting the Portuguese.

The fleet left Holland in Sept. After keeping along the West Coast of America nearly as far as the line, he shaped a course for the Ladrone Islands and the Philippines, and finally arrived back in Holland after a three years' absence. The Manners, Lawes, and Customes of all Nations. With many other things of the same Argument, gathered out of the Historie of Nicholas Damascen. The faith, religion and manners of the Aethiopians, and the deploration of the people of Lappia, compiled by Damianus a Goes.

With a short discourse of the Aethiopians, taken out of Joseph Scaliger. Written in Latin, and now newly translated into English. Small 4to, limp vellum. Small repair to corner of title. Pages relate to the Barbarians of Brasil. Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Woodcut of a Ship on reverse of title, large woodcut of Esquimaux, and 5 large folding maps.

Small 4to, old calf.

Amsterdam, Hessel Herritsz, The Editor has collected together in this book a relation of the three most marvellous discoveries of the previous years in the most unknown parts of the world, viz.: For the Discoveries of Hudson, in the Northern part of America this is the first news printed concerning the voyage. The volume is accompanied by 5 large Maps, namely: It is the first map of Hudson Bay and the adjacent country. In this, the First Edition, at the end of Massa's Treatise, is added a little dissertation on the possibility of a North-West passage between Asia and America.

This portion is omitted in the Second Edition. A very scarce Edition, printed on poor paper which has become discoloured. Narratio Regionum mndicarum per Hispanos, quosdam devastatarum verissima: Engraved title-page, and i 7 engraved plates in the text, depicting the cruelties of the Spaniards towards the Anmerican Indians.

Small 4t0, old green French morocco, gilt, g. See footnote to the edition, No. Histoire du Grand Royaume do la Chine. We have made here our main choice: We have tried to verify in what measure our authors remain close to this conception; in what measure they accepted the basic precepts of the modernist movement.

See Cunha O romantismo no Brasil. By doing so, the author does not recognize that his own defense of the aesthetic precepts of Modernism is not only ideological but prescriptive of an ideology. They explain the process as something circumscribed to the literary discourse form and ideolo- gy.

That is, what is most relevant in their argument is the fact that the language of Modernism becomes less focused on aesthetic ex- perimentation and more focused on the ideological aspects of their work. Though vague, such explanations for the changes in the liter- ature of s are widely accepted. Let us see which aspects of these developments were elided in the discourse of literary criticism and historiography.

This was first done by studies exploring the connections between modernist intellectuals, the rul- ing classes, and the state. This is not to say that there were not studies and essays that contested the discourse of traditional historiography, as I will demonstrate throughout this book. However, since the late seventies it is not the form or the meaning of modernist texts that became prominent or criticized. It is the topic of the institutional founda- tion of Modernism that has become one of the most pursued topics of research in Brazilian studies.

Miceli also includes authors from other regions of Brazil where the modernist move- ment flourished such, as the Northeast, Minas Gerais, and Rio Grande do Sul. Another important development Miceli points out is expansion of the state apparatuses, which would absorb many of these intellectuals His study, whose primary sources were the memoirs and autobiographies of modernist intellectuals, faced a great deal of resistance in the area of literary studies in Brazil.

The center has a variety of official documents and classified government information from the Vargas years. There existed different degrees of identification with the regime. Cassiano Ricardo and his fellow verdeamarelistas strongly sup- ported the Estado Novo and thus acted in consonance with their own ideological and political convictions.

In general, though, Miceli implies that all of them were either in support of, or in compliance with, the administration. The reasons for their involvement with the state administration were many, and the level of involvement and support for the state varied considerably from individual to individual. It was as if Miceli had caught Candido and an entire generation of literary crit- ics and historians in a lie.

The author states that to think outside of these parameters was something new to him The author describes the involvement of the aristocracy with the arts and their support of the modernist group of intellectuals as a political reaction against the developing industrial bourgeoisie. However, apart from these notable exceptions, it is still easier to find reissues of studies that perpetuate the institutionalized view of Modernism. In order to reevaluate the modernist pro- duction in view of their connections with power, the attitude of condemning or defending the modernist generation for their in- volvement with the nation-building apparatus of the Vargas admin- istration seems to be a futile effort.

There are more productive paths for reassessing the legacy of Modernism and for critiquing the old structures of knowledge that imposed the formal paradigm as the norm for the interpretation of modernist texts.

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Miceli makes it evident that the modernist generation benefited from, and was, in many cases, in charge of the very institu- tions and mechanisms of legitimation of their literary production: He argues that these books were influenced by the methodology he used in his book. Miceli raises the issue of patronage not to simply disqualify the modernist legacy.

His remarks in the quote above introduce cate- gories that are usually excluded from the vocabulary of immanent modes of literary criticism. The author provides a generic list of the structures of power, mechanisms of legitimation, private and insti- tutional support that made Modernism possible. These were essen- tial structures providing backing to a cultural movement operating outside of the market and with little commercial potential. Aimed at setting new standards for high culture and for a discourse of na- tional identity, modernism depended on the structures of power private and state patronage in order to achieve and sustain sym- bolic power over cultural matters.

In sum, Miceli emphasizes the role of cultural politics in creating and adding value to modernist works. These structures of legitimization were, at that time, the hegemonic forces behind the construction of an iconoclastic image of non-conformity with which many modernist authors liked to be associated. In the following section I will provide an overview of the relationship between intellectuals and the Vargas administration, according to the scholarship in this area. It would be a mistake to answer this question with a coherent and homogeneous narrative. The growing scholarship in this area has shown the complexities and contradictions of that relationship.

For my purpose here, determin- ing whether or not modernists individually or collectively con- formed to the politics of an authoritarian state is irrelevant. The most important aspect to be considered is how the state cultural and educational apparatuses were involved in a sort of symbiotic re- lationship. This relationship was tense and complex, but it was also mutually empowering. The state gained legitimacy by appropriating the image of rebelliousness from the modernists and by appointing many modernists to positions of power within the state administra- tion in order to craft a discourse of self-legitimation.

On the other hand, intellectuals who participated in the state cultural projects benefited from the state patronage, as it projected them nationally and contributed to their canonization. This is not to say, however, that this relationship was always beneficial for these intellectuals. The administration had the upper hand in this relationship, appro- priating Modernism to cast the state as a progressive force.

In general, the Var- gas state administration used a generic image of Modernism as an emblem for its cultural and educational policies. On the one hand, it put forth an incisive effort to homogenize and institutionalize cul- tural and educational areas. On the other hand, it stimulated cultur- al production without completely obliterating ideological diver- gence among intellectual factions. This is not to say, however, that Vargas was lenient with regard to opposing political and ideological actions within the govern- ment.

Instead, the co-opting of intellectuals with conflicting politi- cal and ideological outlooks should be understood as an efficient maneuver to neutralize opposition. In this way all the major ten- sions between opposing intellectual groups were now played out mainly within the sphere of institutionalized culture. This group was his strongest political opponent, and its members attempted to depose him in The first Vargas regime 23 was clearly the period in which Brazil saw the most dramatic federal investments in the cul- tural and educational areas.

The state was involved in many cultural areas promoting book publishing, radio broadcasting, cinema, and the preservation of na- tional patrimony. Some of the most important cultural apparatuses of the state were: See also Schwartzman, Bomeny, and Costa These are but a few of the cultural institutions launched during the Vargas regime. The Vargas model of cultural state apparatuses still influences government projects of cultural promotion and control.

However, Modernism as a concept within the Vargas administration assumed a much wider and vaguer significance. Political and ideological clashes among modernist intellectuals, which were the norm beginning in the early s, continue to be evident through the s and 40s.

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Even in the early years, the complexity of the movement chal- lenged efforts to establish a linear, evolutionary, or homogenized ex- planatory narrative. Since its onset the movement represented di- verse and often conflicting political views. By the late s, under the rubric of Modernism, there were at least three somewhat defined ideological positions: The Catholic neo-symbol- ists of the Festa group included intellectuals of various political 25 For a list of cultural institutions created under the Vargas regime see Williams, Culture Wars After , right-wing intellectuals of the PRP, as well as Catholic intellectuals sympathetic to Integralis- mo27 became politicians at the state and federal levels Miceli Individual ex- periences of these intellectuals with the state cultural management were very distinct.

Also, the positions they assumed were not always at the highest echelons of the state administration. The level of identification with the state political and ideological orientation was greater among conservative modernists such as Menotti Del Picchia and Cassiano Ricardo. However, these scholars tend to agree that modernist intellectu- als converged on at least one aspect: There are au- thors who dispute the assertion that Integralismo was a Brazilian version of Fas- cism.

For more on this topic, see Vasconcelos, A ideologia curupira, and Calvari, In- tegralismo. Accord- ing to the authors, Anti-Liberalism is pervasive in the political discourse of the s. Intellectuals condemned the Liberal state for its absenteeism in relation to social issues. However, each group had its own agenda for defending an organic authoritarian state and attacked Liberalism through a com- bination of political, moral, and ideological justifications.

The right- wing group with fascist inclinations members of the Verdeamarelo group who converted to Integralismo blamed Liberalism for the collapse of the oligarchic system, though their argument revolved around moral issues. According to Oliveira, there were two major justifications for the condemnation of Liberalism. The first was a general attack on the liberal ideology: In his view these ideologies promoted the weakening of the moral values that sustain a community. Similar views characterized the equally conservative group of Catholic intellectuals. However, as previously mentioned, the Catholic Church had more at stake than a mere philosophical issue with Liberalism.

On the other end of the political spectrum, leftist intellectuals who identified with Communism or Socialism also disapproved of classical Liberalism. For them, the Liberal state was inadequate, es- pecially in a country like Brazil where most of the wealth was in the hands of the rural oligarchies. The system did not create mechanisms of wealth distribution, egalitarian access to education or health care, and other basic rights for the proletariat. Leftist intellectuals also believed that the state should control all of these areas.

Hence, their concept of nation-state also presupposed a centralized system with a strong and hierarchical state administration. Anti-Liberalism appears to be a common denominator in terms of the political and ideological make-up of the intellectuals who, in one way or another, served in the public administration at that time. But this aspect alone does not explain, nor does it translate as polit- ical support for the Vargas administration.

Others kept themselves away from these is- sues. The majority, however, agreed with respect to their rejec- tion of liberal democracy and supported the strengthening of the functions of the State. They also accepted the priority of the na- tional imperative and adhered, explicitly or not, to a hierarchical view of the social order. The author puts emphasis on the sense of class consciousness of these intellectuals, which, in his as- sessment, gives them a sense of entitlement to exert positions of leadership in the administration. This alignment against Liberalism in the s partly explains the long-lasting collaboration of intellectuals from a wide range of ideo- logical positions in the Vargas cultural apparatuses.

Leftist intellec- tuals either conformed to or were repressed by the authoritarian state. The coercive actions of the state became more frequent after the coup of and the establishment of the Estado Novo. State repression became fiercer with the establishment of the TSN in , the organ responsible for the incarceration of leftist writers such as Jorge Amado, first jailed in and then several times later. The author argues that their par- ticipation in the nation-building projects of the state ultimately represents a certain degree of political compromise.

However, it is necessary to emphasize that left-wing intellectuals were not given high-level administrative positions. After the implemen- tation of the Estado Novo there was not much space for dissenting voices within or outside of the state. The Catholic intellectuals who were co- opted by the state operated as spokespeople on behalf of these in- stitutions, lobbying the government especially on issues related to the educational area, whose private section was already dominated by the Church. The Catholics were pressing, among other things, for the obligatory teaching of religion in both private and public sectors.

While the Catholic agents did not manage to impose their ideas as the dominant set of principles to be followed by the state as a whole, they certainly succeeded in having their most fundamental interests in the educational sector sanctioned by the state. Many of these attacks were based solely on fear and distrust Levine Capanema started the project for a cen- tralized university system in the late s. As I will demonstrate next, modernist intellectuals are directly involved in this project. Second, a remarkable expansion of the publish- ing industry opened up new possibilities for modernist writers Hallewell ; Miceli, Intelectuais Both occurrences also con- tributed to the development of more diverse and specialized intel- lectual personnel.

I will focus on the re- forms in the university system because this was the terrain in which the metanarrative of modernism would be consolidated. See also, Hallewell chapter xvi. The other existing Brazilian universities, The Universi- dade de Rio de Janeiro founded in , and The Universidade de Minas Gerais founded in , were formed by isolated facul- ties and unified later by decree.

According to Candido, it was through this text- book that the avant-garde theories of the modernists were proposed to teachers and students at the middle-school level This first project was rejected, and the Faculdade de Filosofia became an autonomous faculty whose primary functions were research and teacher education Vargas was particularly interest- ed in implementing teacher training programs for the purpose of the expansion of the secondary education system.

The Faculdade de Filosofia was one of the most innovative and successful projects of the new university and thus became a model for other universities at the federal level. Capanema also placed emphasis on the Faculdade Nacional de Filosofia [National College of the Hu- manities], which would comprise all of the humanities. According to Schwartzman, Bomeny and Costa, the Faculdade Na- cional de Filosofia was intended to be under federal tutelage but al- so under ideological control of the Catholic Church He stayed in this position from to , when he re- signed, citing his lack of administrative capacity, lack of enthusiasm for the project, and many ideological disagreements with other pro- fessors and staff members.

The Church had already given up ideological control of the public university, preferring instead to focus on its own university project Tempos de Capanema There was a massive presence of modernist intellectuals and artists working as professors and chairs of their disciplines. The sheer presence of modernist intel- lectuals and artists in the public university system shows that this sector was one of the preferred sites for their participation in the cultural projects of the administration in the s.

The presence of modernists as educators at institutions of higher education is an im- portant factor for the manner by which Modernism became assimi- lated and disseminated in the educational system. This is not to say, however, that their mere presence in the educational system was alone a determining factor in this process of canonization.

Also, I am not trying to say that these intellectuals imposed their own views of Modernism or that they all agreed on a definition of Mod- ernism. This is a simple observation that the process of canoniza- tion of Modernism starts in this historical context and this particu- lar configuration. The process starts at a time when the presence of modernist intellectuals in the educational system was significant.

The first efforts to provide a historical overview of Modernism and to construct a narrative of legitimation start to appear in the late s and early s. In the following section, I will focus on some of the earliest examples of narratives that provide structuring elements for the canonization of Modernism in literature.

In the process of the canon- ization of Modernism and the constitution of a metanarrative, some of the first studies to provide broad historical interpretations of the modernist movement to be published and to enter the educational 35 For more details on the failed project of the Universidade do Brasil, see chapter seven of Tempos de Capanema O premodernismo [Contribution to the History of Modernism: The Premodernism] appear during the Estado Novo.

He participated in the Week of Modern Art of All of these publications offer, in distinct ways, elements that contributed for the canonization of the modernist literature. These efforts to or- ganize and categorize the modernist literature are evidence that the process of canonization of Modernism started very early, while most modernist authors and artists were still alive and active. In fact, Bandeira had been asked by Minister Capanema to organize several of these anthologies. Since , Bandeira had been involved with this project.

I have already organized six: And, what is worse, I involuntarily hurt many friends. The great Minister, who gave such great support among us for the arts to him owes the glory of Portinari and Niemeyer , want- ed me to condense in five anthologies the best of the poetry in Brazil. Bandeira emphasizes the role of Minister Capanema as a cultural promoter and the man who had the idea for the anthologies project that Bandeira carried out.

The fact that the Minister selects Ban- deira as the main authority on poetry and the history of poetry in Brazil confirms at least three aspects related to the canonization of Modernism. First, the fact that a modernist poet became the main authority in the history of poetry and Bandeira affirms that only two other modernists could do the job: That is, the process of rationalization and separation of the spheres of knowledge was still in its early stages.

As far as historiography is concerned, anthologies rep- resent the most basic; they are the least elaborated in terms of con- ceptualization. Bandeira explains that he selected the texts and pro- vided a preface to describe the criterion adopted. In his humorous account of this process Bandeira affirms that the problem is that nobody reads these prefaces and most of his fellow poets com- plained about his selection. Bandeira did not want to take on the project of anthologizing the poetry of the modernist period because he knew it would cause conflict: There is no intent in creating a complex narrative in this project, but it is still possible to see a nar- rative thread connecting the poetic production of hundreds of years.

Yet this simple or- ganization of texts already denotes an assertion of authority, an im- position of a judgment of taste, arbitration and exclusions. The fi- nal result is a selection of the most representative poetry with which his friends, who also considered themselves authorities, did not agree. It does not concern itself with historicizing the movement as a whole but rather with analyzing the formal aspects of one of its genres.

How- ever, since the compilation of texts attempts to give the reader a panoramic view of modernist poetry, it serves some of the purposes of historiography. Milliet himself was a modernist poet and artist who participated in the Week of Modern Art. Milliet also excludes himself as a poet. On the one hand, some of these authors and works are said to anticipate some of the fea- tures of Modernism. For example, the work of Lima Barreto is praised for its nationalism and concern with social and political problems On the other hand, some of these authors and their work are seen as unfulfilled writers who could not move be- yond the mentality of their time.

These modernists were self-taught literary critics with their authority in the area of literary criticism established through years of contribu- tion in newspapers and magazines. Their authority in literary and artistic matters also came from their previous involvement with the modernist movement. In other words, these were not literary critics formed by the new university system, but some of them occupied positions in educational institutions or in the cultural apparatus of the state.

The fact that the canonization of Modernism is set in mo- tion in this context and that the highest authorities in the area of lit- erary criticism and historiography were the original members of the modernist movement is further evidence of the self-legitimizing character of this process.

The author also questions the references to Modernism that are imbedded in terms such as Pre-Modernism and Post-Modernism, which are re- marks with which I agree and that I have been exploring here. Their views were very different, and these early contri- butions do not form a cohesive body of historiography.

Further- more, the critical assessment of Modernism in this early moment in the process of canonization is not always as positive as the stan- dardized version of the movement that appeared in most of the his- toriography of the s. The gen- eral tone, especially in the concluding remarks to this speech, is somber: E eu que sempre me pensei. Meu aristocracismo me puniu. My aristocratic views punished me. My inten- tions deceived me. Victim of my individualism, I vainly seek in my [literary] works, and also in the works of many of my col- leagues, a precocious passion, a more virile pain.

And if it was not for the respect I have for the destiny of the younger generation, I would not make this rather cruel confes- pect that needs to be taken into consideration when analyzing the canonization of Modernism, especially in literature. These first studies and attempts at a historical overview tend to be favorable toward the notion of Modernism as a revolutionary movement, but they do not display the overtly enthusiastic tone of the subsequent historiography. Alceu Amoroso Lima was not part of this group, but he also knew these intellectuals per- sonally and had always had a positive attitude toward the movement.

The passage is a sad admission of defeat for Andrade, who eerily announces the decline of his own life. The author admits several flaws in his work and his conduct, but he ultimately preserves a sense of de- cency by addressing the younger generation, by making these painful public confessions on their behalf. Andrade still positions himself as a dignified intellectual leader, even if by or precisely by attacking his own reputation. He appeals to the audience through this apparent humility with the sincerity of his remarks.

Andrade condemns his own individualism and his aristocratic posture in or- der to defend the values of collective participation. Thus, he comes across as an intellectual who learned from the mistakes of the past, a man transformed by experi- ence. Even though there is a self-defensive mechanism built in this speech, this is nonetheless a very self-critical pronouncement, with a bitterness that distinguishes it from other of his writings about Modernism.

Mod- ernism had its flaws and shortcomings, but these are the gains that the movement imposed on the intellectual milieu in Brazil. This passage is often repeated but rarely explained. After the battles of the modernist movement, according to the author, the intellectual are- na acquired a stabilized national consciousness. Indeed, these are not modest gains and this is not a modest statement. Though it is a personal account, it contains more background infor- mation about the making of the modernist movement in its early years than most studies published thereafter.

The author puts himself in the most vulnerable positions he ever assumed publicly, but he also makes sure to protect his reputation as an intellectual. It is a speech for posterity in which the author positions himself as a founding father, as an intellectual leader of high stature, despite his limitations and flaws.

It is not just a guilt-ridden, negative portrait of an era. It is ambivalent and causes discomfort because it problematizes some of the most conflictive aspects of the modernist project without reduc- ing it to an unambiguous narrative of triumph. In an interview, many years after the publication of O movimento, Lima made the follow- ing comments: In [this speech] he declared that Modernism was an aristocratic movement. Lima is referring to the critical review of Modernism as a whole, but he is concerned with the negative impact that accounts like these could have in process of canonization of Modernism.

It is important to return to Alceu Amoroso Lima to understand part of the process of canonization of Modernism. With regard to literary historiography, the name of Alceu Amoroso Lima looms large in Brazil during the entire modernist era. Lima was the first literary critic to display a receptive attitude toward the first mod- ernist manifestations. The work of Mr. Later he distanced himself from the exercise of this mission of almost referee of the literary production in Brazil, to devote himself This document was signed and approved in the plenary session of the 4th National Conference of National History in April of The original text had been written in , according to the date written in the preface to the book Such endorsement also means that this state apparatus took charge of the project to provide incentive for other projects in the area of literary historiography by offering guidelines to prospective historians.

None of these methods is singled out as the best or most ap- propriate. Historians had autonomy to choose whichever method they deemed most appropriate. Many factors influenced the emergence of a coherent metanar- rative of Modernism. None of these factors alone could determine all of its most distinctive features, its somewhat standardized out- look, its linearity, or its boastful tone.

First and foremost, Mod- ernism became the hallmark of the state cultural and educational apparatuses during the s and 40s. Second, the university sys- tem that emerged during this period is not only inspired by Mod- ernism but it was implemented with the help and expertise of mod- ernist intellectuals in their roles as professors, literary critics, ideologues, artists, cultural administrators, and policy makers. In the process of the institutionalization and canonization of Modernism, a cohesive and homogeneous narrative emerges. Many of the contradictions of the various modernist sub-currents were minimized in favor of an unambiguous heroic image for Modernism and most of the modernists.

The process of canonization achieved its completion during the s, when a number of literary histori- ography volumes were released. The metanarrative of Modernism finally entered the educational system and there it would remain for most of the twentieth century.

In the following chapter, I will ana- lyze the rhetoric of this type of historiography and the ideological and institutional background of its main proponents. Literary histories usually present texts and authors diachronically, in a somewhat linear timeline based on aes- thetic, ideological, and thematic interconnections between texts of a given period of time. The volumes of literary history present a se- lection of the authors deemed to be the most relevant in the cultur- al patrimony of a nation.

The numerous volumes of literary history are conceived as imperfect, limited and partial materializations of the incommensurable totality of the canon. They offer a structure for the curriculum and the syllabus of institutions that regulate ac- cess and reproduce this cultural patrimony. The canon only exists in concrete form in the lists of works that ap- pear in the syllabus or in the curriculum of a program of study. John Guillory offers a critique of the canon debate in the United States in which there is a polarization between those who defend a multicultural approach and those who defend the traditional repro- duction of the classics.

Guillory calls attention to the fact that the de- bate is grounded on a misconception of the process of canon forma- tion. The agenda of multiculturalism, with its focus on social identity, has been instrumental in fostering a more diverse and representative liberal curriculum. However, by taking for granted that the canon is structured around the notion of the social identity, the discourse of multiculturalism loses sight of larger problems. Guillory argues that notions of social identity, race, and gender are historically specific, contemporary conditions of canon formation and not categories that existed since the inception of literary studies.

These categories are in- sufficient to explain how the canon is formed and reproduced: According to Pierre Bourdieu, the educational system is a sphere of legitimation and consecration of symbolic production. Intellectuals pos- sess symbolic forms of capital, cultural capital i. They are assigned the role of dissemination, iteration and, not infrequently, conceptualization of the literary and cultural heritage, in and for the educational system.

They are important agents in the establishment and maintenance of the canon by taking part with the auctores and other agents in the struggle for the imposition of legiti- mate modes of consumption. Notions of social identity are not just historically specific, but these canonic structures or subdivisions have more impact in the United States and perhaps Europe.

Guillory could have made his point much more easily if he was trying to explain the problems of canon formation taking as an example the case of Brazilian literary studies. In Brazil, in spite of the fact that there are several well-es- tablished specialized areas of criticism concerned with issues of class, gender, race, ethnicity, and sexuality that challenge the tradi- tional centralized view of the canon, the manner by which the na- tional literary patrimony is organized, represented, and disseminat- ed in the educational system has not been affected much by the agenda of liberal multiculturalism.

This observation can be con- firmed by an examination of the most popular textbooks and the hefty volumes of literary histories. These publications present a schematic representation of the canon and also inform the structure and content of the syllabus and curriculum, which continue to be structured around a centralized and epic narrative of national iden- tity. Origens e unidade In this two-volume anthology there are no sections that take into account issues of non-hegemonic ethnicities, religious prac- tices, sexual preference or gender as structuring categories.

The second significant moment happened in the s, when a wide array of literary histories appeared. I will focus mostly on the literary histories of the s, providing an inventory of the s publications with a brief analysis of their format and con- tents, as well as biographical information about the authors of these publications. The rhetoric of literary historiography relies heavily on the notion of rupture and emancipation in order to define the uniqueness of Brazilian literature in general and particularly in its definitions of the modernist movement. The chapter ends with a reflection on the ambiguity of prim- itivism in relation to the historical past and thus introduces some of the issues analyzed in the second part of this study.

The volumes of literary history organize a vast body of literature produced over the centuries into an epic narrative of the formation of a distinctive national identity. They founded the Con- crete poetry movement in Brazil but their cultural activities also included literary criticism, translations, and even collaborations with musicians and artists. All of them published important works of literary criticism. The most active in this area was Haroldo de Campos Romero tries to establish a naturalist type of criticism as a reaction against the Romantic mode of thought.

He studies the lit- erature produced in Brazil in order to observe and theorize about general traits of Brazilian society. But saving the paintings should be a priority. The poet had been in the Republican zone during the civil war and had organized numerous acts in France in its support. Tzara, who was a Jew, chose like his son Christophe to join the French resistance instead of going into exile in the United States.

Perpignan was the last days of the spring of a hotbed of refugees. Pierre Matisse is worried. But it's too late, because the painter and his family have been for more than a week in Perpignan, where the messages arrive. I think this is the wisest thing to do at the PMGA I know that this entails very great sacrifices on my part, but I cannot allow my little family to remain in the midst of a tempest. We are thinking of leaving on the 8th I do not know what will await me upon arrival But it took a few more days to cross to Spain. The explanation changes when Pilar Juncosa speaks: Obtaining the safe conduct to enter Spain was not difficult, although it did take a few days.

Editorial Electa, Madrid From Gerona they went to the place where they thought they would be safer: They met Joan Prats and our father. In short, everything was planned in advance by Joan Prats: As we had seen, the imposing Quintanes estate should theoretically have been ceded to the Church and charities after the death of Jaume Galobart in Ylla i Cassany in Mas Quintanes is currently an important Opus Dei agricultural professional training center.

Two decades later, Pilar will repeat the same comment: The elections of February had been comfortably won in the region by the conservatives, not the popular front. Industrialist Lamberto Juncosa Massip had strong ties to the wealthy classes of Majorca, who were his main clients. Special was the bond with Juan March, the main financier of the Francoist rebellion.

In fact, in the summer of he moved his official residence and that of his wife and daughter to Montroig It has also been claimed that the writer could have returned to Spain as an agent of the Abwehr, the German military intelligence From that moment, when he acquires a more stable economic position and can afford it, he will not stop traveling abroad.

Nor would Joan Prats print the engravings, since he had spent a few months in prison for his role in the exportation of works of sacred art in the framework of the Zervos exhibition in It does not seem far-fetched, however, to think that apart from the fact that censorship of course never saw the series of prints, of which only five copies were printed, artist and publisher could have a prepared explanation in which the monsters drawn did not represent the dictator, but his enemies. And in Prats printed the lithographs to avoid that the natural deterioration of the fine report papers would destroy the drawings.

Report paper is meant to be passed to stone immediately, not to be stored. What could have happened is that when it is decided that the series has to be printed urgently in , to prevent the deterioration of the paper or to send them to the MoMA, some of the fifty sheets of the notebook remained unused. The artist then completed the empty notebook pages with signs and drawings that are characteristic of his work see, for example, lithographs numbered as 34, 36 and 41 of the Barcelona series. It does not seem very smart to flaunt anti-Francoism in the MoMA of , already led by an anti- communist establishment.

Neither do we believe that he tried something similar three years later when he reissued the series in the United States in a circulation of 1, copies during his stay in the country His graphic work, which also included reproductions of the Barcelona series One of them is reproduced in the catalog of the exhibition , in which his friend Cirlot describes the series as a simple continuation of his schematism But how soon he lost the creative impetus, the risky spirit, and began to repeat and imitate himself until he became a cacophonous, artificial and falsely naive industry.

Some of the horrendous characters of his previous period and of the Barcelona series make their appearance again in the gouaches, but miniaturized, hidden or schematized to the extreme in the form of a curved line for the mouth and a series of triangles for the teeth. We think this is a splendid description, not of the Barcelona series, but of the Constellations. The dominant characteristic in both is the safety of the stroke and the firm line drawn on the background. The name Constellations, denomination that would not be applied to the series of gouaches until , appears for the first time and the series also carry titles that seem small poems.

The figures are now diluted and the arrangement of the set and the incorporation of bright and cheerful colors make the aggressiveness of the subjects disappear. Most of the pictorial surface is occupied by other benign figures, such as stars, moons, suns, eyes, soft representations of the female sex, etc.

In the Constellations, the main lines that dominate the composition are those of the main figures, persons and animals. These guide and direct the distribution, dimensions and color of the secondary components, each of which is tamed and controlled so that it maintains its place in the balance of the whole. The painter explains then that he began in in Varengeville- sur-Mer a new stage of his work that had its source in music and nature. He remembers that this happened more or less when the Second World War broke out, when he felt a deep desire for escape and deliberately locked himself in.

He also points out in this interview that, perhaps because of his isolation from other painters, materials began to acquire a new importance in his painting. In watercolors, he would harden the surface of the paper by rubbing it, and when painting on this hardened surface it produced curious random shapes. He recalls that after the series of paintings on burlap, he began the series that in was not called yet the Constellations: There were Malet p. They were based on reflections in water. Not naturalistically —or objectively— to be sure.

But forms suggested bu such reflections. In them my main aim was to achieve a compositional balance. It was a very long and extremely arduous work. I would set out with no preconceived idea. A few forms suggested here would call for other forms elsewhere to balance them. These in turn demanded others. It took a month at least to produce each watercolor, as I would take it up day after day to paint in other tiny spots, stars, washes, infinitesimal dots of color in order finally to achieve a full and complex equilibrium.

As I lived on the outskirts of Palma I used to spend hours looking at the sea. Poetry and music both were now all-important to me in my isolation. After lunch each day I would go to the cathedral to listen to the organ rehearsal. I would sit there in that empty gothic interior daydreaming, conjuring up forms. The light poured into the gloom through the stained-glass windows in an orange flame. The cathedral seemed always empty at those hours. The organ music and the light filtering through the stained-glass windows to the interior gloom suggested forms to me. I saw practically no one all those months.

Bit I was enormously enriched during this period of solitude. I read all the time: John of the Cross, St. It was an ascetic existence: After having finished this series of paintings in Palma, I moved to Barcelona. Forms take reality for me as I work. In other words, rather than setting out to paint something, I begin painting and as I paint the picture begins to assert itself, or suggest itself under my brush.

The form becomes a sign for a woman or a bird as I work. Even a few casual wipes of my brush in cleaning it may suggest the beginning of a picture. The second stage, however, is carefully calculated. The first stage is free, unconcious; but after that the picture is controlled throughout, in keeping with that desire for disciplined work I have felt from the beginning. I drew all this in charcoal with great vigour. Once I had managed to obtain a plastic equilibrium and bring order among all these elements, I began to paint in gouache, with the minute detail of a craftsman and a primitive; this demanded a great deal of time.

When he ran out of leaves stained by dirty paintbrushes soaked in turpentine, Miro says he repeated the same operation, cleaning the brushes Sweeney , Rowell pp. It has always been understood that the painter first drew the contours with a brush or lithographic pencil in black and then filled the drawings with bright colors. In fact, after observing samples of the painter's work stages in the Chagall Museum in Nice, we can assure that very often the painter made one or several spots of color and then used the charcoal, marking the edges of the stain and filling it with drawings of characters or objects that the stain had suggested.

It seems to us that in reality these three stages —preparation with paintbrushes and turpentine, drawing with charcoal and coloring— are not enough to explain the process. In fact, with the brushes impregnated with the colors of the previous Constellation, the painter could not have created the backgrounds of the following one without further deliberate action.

In the first one, made on an ocher and gray background, red and black predominate and there are only a few small final touches of blue. With turpentine in the brushes one could not obtain the overwhelmingly blue background of the second wash, applied in two layers, one light blue and the other a much darker shade. And the same can be said of the transit from number 3 to 4. As we have seen, People at Night But the fourth gouache, Women on the Beach, has a light cream background on the right that is darkening to the left and that can not result from rubbing the brushes used in the previous gouache, which does not include this color.

But what he did next was to prepare a colored background in each tempera. When we look at the gouaches in the series, the first thing that catches our attention are the figures, well-colored with gouache of pure colors and bright tones. These are elements or figures of drops, balls, stars, inverted triangles joined by the tip, eyes and bicoloured leaves —representing these the female sex. But if we look closer we discover that the fine lines drawn by the painter surround or define silhouettes, some of them more or less adapted to the color stains of the background and others located discretionarily over the entire surface of the paper.

Those silhouettes are the characters that the painter alludes to in the titles. Astral bodies are represented by circles or planets and stars. The characters symbolize the earth and the birds would be the union of earth and heavenly world. Retired life favors Tone As we had seen, Picasso also associated the astral constellations with music in Sweeney, a multitude of microscopic forms swim in an infinite space; delicate lines, freely drawn, move between these tiny symbols, drawing larger forms of phantasmagorical character.

The tiny shapes are so numerous and so subtly arranged that the whole composition seems to be in constant movement The aggressiveness remains, but as above the rhythmic joy that contradicts it The monsters are no longer solid and powerful, but ethereal.

When the lines that define each character intersect with those of another or with figures of balls, stars, etc. This produces the impression that the fearsome characters of yesteryear, although they retain their teeth or viperine tongues, are actually innocuous transparent jellyfish, which reveal both the hidden side of the figures and the background of the paper.

Transparency implies a loss of matter that makes dangerousness disappear. But in reality there are two women in her because her big breasts create an impression of a face of another woman in the belly of the first, the breasts being the eyes and a huge vulva being the nose. The counterpoint of the big woman is a small lover located to the left of the gouache, with a distracted air, a hairy wart on the nose and five hairs on the head.

There are two other characters, the beautiful bird that is a parrot with its prominent tongue, located in the upper right, and a slug with a large stylized head and body, which advances to the left as all the characters except the ventral woman, who throws a deep look at the observer of the gouache. And it is this second woman who focuses attention. The result is that the Constellations transform the characters of the savage paintings and integrate them into a dreamlike landscape, arranged like a melody by Bach or Mozart. Below is a horizontal line ending in small circles, followed by Penrose p.

So in each of the 23 gouaches. The ladder of escape is the title of an early Constellation, just as on 14 October he wrote on the back of another The 13th, the Ladder Brushed against the Firmament. Another is named The migrating bird, and the last of the series, which began with Sunrise, is The Passage of the Divine Bird.

But the painter has a steel spirit with sufficient resources to get out of this situation. One of them, Mind and mood in Modern art I: It notes however that through introspection and meditation, the spiritual beliefs of the artist sustained him in his sufferings, and made his isolation, loneliness, dissatisfaction and the desire to ascend to the celestial heights subject of his art. The result of this event was the book Depression and the Spiritual in Modern Art: Homage to Miro See also Schildkraut Schildkraut According to the anthropologist of Peruvian origin, compassion for oneself is caused by personal importance, a powerful force that prevents us from perceiving the hidden realities of our own existence.

To undo personal importance, the individual must move his assemblage point, the place where the person's consciousness, his soul, lies. By moving that point you can reach different perspectives that discover planes of consciousness different from the daily reality of everyone. It is much more than a change of perception, because it opens consciousness to unusual worlds. In his long letter of January 12 of that year to his North American dealer he indicates that, since all his unfinished works have remained in Barcelona, he will try to do something new: I was already thinking of doing that, but later, and alternating with other things in which I would have attempted to escape reality entirely —and create a new reality, with new figures and fantasmagoric beings, but ones filled with life and reality.

Hunger or fear or love or hate can also do it. And the painter does not lack the audacity necessary to start the process. As early as , upon his arrival in Paris, he had declared to Georges Duthuit,: Each grain of dust contains the soul of something wonderful. But to understand it we have to recover the magical and religious sense of the things that belong to primitive peoples The painter then writes to his friend Enric C. Now I'm in Montroig with my people, and here I plan to finish the summer painting.

This summer I have written very little, against what I proposed, and also with great synthetism. The lonely life of Ciurana, the primitivism of those admirable people, my intense work, and above all my spiritual retreat, the opportunity to live in a world created by my spirit and my soul, set apart, like Dante, from reality do you understand all this? Like a monk, solidly rooted in the soil, allowing himself to feed on purity by nature. His imagination, forced to limit itself to sheets of paper, develops even more to interpret his feelings and transcribe them with drawings.

It need only be illuminated from below, by the light of a star. Then everything becomes strange, shifting, clear and confused at the same time. Forms give birth to other forms, constantly changing into something else. He could not sell in Spain because of the disastrous economic situation that the civil war had left and that provoked by autarchy, and because he was practically ignored in his country. Lost the source of French relations and income due to the war and to the flight to Cuba of Pierre Loeb, the only contact and source of money that he has left is his United States dealer Pierre Matisse.

He is the first to whom he addresses in search of artistic outputs and cash icome. He will even decide to send him the only important work that he treasures and that somehow thinks that will constitute his lifeline: And this despite the fact that he knows that the dealer will consider that more than half of the gouaches of the series belong to him.

But the Constellations are not sent to New York and Matisse does not respond to the call, for long periods not giving any news. The little cash that his dealer sends him barely serves to cover his most elementary expenses, without being able to lead the life he thought he deserved, and forced him to depend economically on his elderly mother.

These circumstances add frustration to the already discouraged painter, who then tries —in — two parallel strategies: As we will see, the two strategies fail miserably due to a combination of lack of good contacts and poor preparation: Until the great exhibition in MoMA, historians had shown no interest in ascertaining the vicissitudes of the series of gouaches since its creation until its rise to fame in the second half of the 40s and its resurgence in the late 50s.

But when preparing the Centennial exhibition, MoMA commissioned Lilian Tone —whom she identifies as former research assistant of the Department of Painting and Sculpture— to make the catalog of the exhibition. The author —now curator of the museum— has indicated to the author of these lines that the reason for not being included in the book was that she finished the text, fruit of her 'fascination' for the Constellations, when the book was practically ready.

As for the way in which the Constellations actually arrived in New York, historiography has established that it was through Brazilian Paulo Duarte. But in fact the details have not been published in any opf the thick essays dedicated to the artist. But he does not specify who it is. Dupin, Penrose, Malet, etc. Undoubtedly, Russell refers to Paulo Duarte, but he is wrong in almost everything: Neither Duarte —who is not Peruvian— nor any of those involved in the shipment are diplomats; the expedition is commercial and is made by ship and not personally carried by the Brazilian.

In order to try to reflect what really happened, there is no other way than following the chronological approach. The same goes for Antonio Boix in his exceptionally well-documented blog Mirador: And he says this nine days before completing the first gouache of the series, Sunrise, which he finished on Friday, January I am planning to work on these paintings, using a very elaborate technique, for about 3 months —making allowance for the fact that, fortunately, they will lead me to conceive of other works which I will prepare at the same time The fact that he points out later in this letter that he will not send them until they are all finished does not indicate in any way that Russell p.

He was happy with the way he carried out his exhibitions and with the promotion he made for his work to be displayed in museums, either in exhibitions or in permanent collections. What he could not understand is how he did not get a better slice of the cake, how the exclusive rights he has given to Matisse to market his work does not allow him to live materially as he deserves, that is like a good bourgeois.

In a friendly letter to Pierre Matisse written from Paris on January 2, he sends him a photo of the — frightful— decorative panel he had made for the bedroom of the gallerist's children and tells him about Pierre Loeb, without showing any sign of concern for the future of his French dealer —who was Jewish. That will be more prudent, and I will let you know when to make a transfer to my bank in Paris as I may need funds.

The tone has changed and the concern becomes more present: Again the economic concern is paramount, and for the first time we see that he suspects that his source of income in Europe will disappear. After asking the gallerist to put the New York account in the joint name of his and Pilar Juncosa's, and do what is necessary so that both can draw cash from the Parisian branch of the bank when they need it, he adds PMGA The same disregard for the military situation is clear from the content of his next letter to Matisse, dated October 24, when Hitler has just ordered his armies to invade France, an assault that will not occur because his generals convince him to wait until spring.

Each painting that MoMA acquires and exhibits implies a multiplying effect on American demand, which means cash for the dealer. This also prevents the painter from being tempted to accept offers from other American dealers. In a letter to the gallerist, and in view of the difficulties he guessed to haunt Jew Pierre Loeb —meanwhile mobilized in the army— he accepts Matisse's offer: I do it to encourage your efforts and those of Teeny by giving you facilities, and so that, once the market is restored, you will not hesitate a moment and be in a position to place my painting in where it will have the right to demand.

In two PMGA In addition, charging in dollars allows him to have the money deposited in New York or Geneva and play fully in the forex market, a game he had learnt from friends and diplomats, who at that time —and today also in many parts of the world— obtained by this method a good part of their real income.

But once the deal is concluded, the tug of war on payments on one side and delivery of canvases on the other, begins immediately. He considers that he has won some points from Matisse and that he is in a position of strength, so he does not hesitate to show reluctance to send work, even if it belongs to the gallerist. The painter responds therefore on February 4, from Varengeville giving the gallerist the dimensions of the paintings he has seen and the information that Christian Zervos will reproduce them in in Cahiers d'Art.

After telling him for the first time about the Constellations he has already painted two , he suggests something that will obviously displease Pierre Matisse: The idea seems interesting to me, because what matters most is that the works be consecrated in Paris, where our paintings have a resonance, which would undoubtedly have an impact in New York and the success of your exhibition would be more considerable and effective.

Although PMGA Ten days later German troops enter Paris. And nothing more until the 7th of January of , when Pierre Matisse shows in a telegram to Pilar Juncosa his restlessness due the lack of news: In another letter from Pilar Juncosa to Pierre Matisse dated March 23, , we find a hidden reference to the subject of the canvas shipments: He is referring to the impossibility of sending the paintings that Matisse is still waiting nor the Constellations gouaches, of which he has already finished One month later, on April 28, Pilar writes again from Palma, referring cryptically to the Constellations: She e immediately goes on to talk about the reverse side of the coin, that is, about remuneration: But the main reason for the letter is not the sending of canvases, but to ask for money: The letter begins in its first line with a reproach to the gallerist: Could you tell me as soon as possible if you can send them to us?

And the lack of money makes him think of sending them to the United States to earn cash. The advantage of the gouaches with respect to canvases was that they would be much easier to transport. Ylla— he had also tried to stop the exactions of the republican militiamen in Vic and region in order to safeguard its artistic heritage, which included PMGA In fact, in the third letter to Prats, and after thanking him for having taken care of sending him funds, he asks him to tell Joaquim Gomis that he is waiting for a reply from Matisse about the money, which proves that Gomis was now in charge of the black market currency operations.

The gallerist certainly does not see things with the same eyes as the painter: I would greatly appreciate you interviewing him to talk about how to send my works. I insinuated that he take them with him in his suitcase. You could ask again if it would be inconvenient to do so, I do not think this would be abusing him because it is only a small porfolio with 22 works on paper of 38 x 46 cm. As the covers of the porfolio are not very solid, to avoid receiving blows during the trip, it would be convenient to take a corrugated cardboard, the one used to send packages by mail, so they would be protected.

Since our friend Gudiol told me that he should embark on the 16th of this month and that this date is approaching without you having talked about it again, I would be grateful if you could write to me a few lines to know what to expect. If Gudiol would take them, you could show them before they leave to a small group of friends, we'll agree on that. And many thanks also to friends Gudiol and Figueras, to whom I beg you to transmit them In case you still have not been to Montroig, I will tell you that my mother has already returned to Barcelona, but the tenant Peret and his family are very kind people and they will attend you very well.

The paintings porfolio is on a shelf of the white wooden table in my studio. The last instructions to Joan Prats are to let him know the reactions of the attendees to the small show, to indicate exactly the date of departure, so as to foretell Matisse of their arrival and to separate the gouache that will be offered to his wife. And finally, he thanks his friend for sending him the money he needed in Palma.

The money could come from Pierre Matisse's remittances or from what Epistolari , p. It is Gomis, in any case, who provides him with pesetas in Palma de Majorca or Barcelona, and it was he, too, who, through his brothers in Zurich, facilitated the opening of an account in Switzerland. Note that in those years, everyone who had access to foreign currency in Spain used the black market to obtain pesetas. Even American film distributors honored their exhibition contracts in Spain with money multiplied in this way Catalan historiography talks about his intention to go into exile in that country , but in reality Gudiol, who had been enlisted by force in the republican army, went to France in February , to immediately move to Paris.

Once there, Gudiol himself explains in a letter the first thing he did: Thanks to his contacts with ancient art dealers and art historians in the United States, Gudiol moved from France to that country, where between and he taught at the University of Toledo, Ohio and at the Institute of Fine Arts in New York But he returned to Spain in , where he was appointed director of the Amatller Hispanic Art Institute in Barcelona, where he would develop a wide career until his death in Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Madrid Epistolari , p. Ediciones Akal, Madrid pp. Matisse reacts, but not by telegram, but by means of a letter to Pilar Juncosa dated March 11, in which for the first time in years he talks about money, although in reality he does not explain why he has not sent it before, but why he can not send more thereafter: Ylla of March 2, , in which he refers to the impossibility of launching the construction of the new Mont- roig studio.

I also had the same information here. Given this, and that the end of the war is not foreseen any time soon, I panicked and I think it would be imprudent to undertake the works of the studio, which are expensive.. The situation would not improve until May 27, when his mother dies and he inherits half of her assets, so in July he writes again to his sister and brother-in-law, who would be in charge of carrying out the construction works, to launch the project The painter has also accepted as a fact of life that Matisse can not or does not want to send him money, and he keeps his temper and is not discouraged.

He puts a brave face on it: My painting can thus become more and more concentrated and vigorous And once exhibited his charms to the dealer, he clearly informs him that he will not be able to enjoy them: We would have to be certain that they would reach you safely. We should also have to hope for an immediate and substantial financial return. As things now are, we cannot count on either of those conditions. I think it would be wiser if I simply concentrate on my work and make my way as best I can. To see his paintings again, Matisse will have to accept a much improved agreement and put a lot of money on the table before the painter agrees to send anything.

We have no more indications of the two having discussed the issue of work against compensation in a long time. It is probably then, in the fall of , when Paulo Duarte appears in his life, introducing himself as an envoy of the Museum of Modern Art in New York. Paulo Alfeu Junqueira de Monteiro Duarte , called the Brazilian Quixote, was a lawyer and journalist who was forced into exile after the failure of the revolution of the Sao Paulo oligarchy against the dictatorship of General Getulio Vargas, whose coup d'etat he had supported two years before.

Very involved in the intellectual milieu of his country, he met PMGA Until , when he returns to Brazil once the war is over, and is named Editor-in-Chief of the newspaper O Estado de S. Duarte also forms part until the Germans arrive of the intellectual vanguard groups of the Parisian capital and together with Rivet and Laugier, forms the core of the network of Franco- Brazilian scientific contacts After the armistice, the Brazilian intellectual travels to the United States, where he manages to get hired —possibly with the help of Laugier— in the programs that, at the initiative of Nelson Rockefeller, the Inter-American Affairs Office of the State Department establishes to strengthen relations with the countries of Latin America, and especially the Brazilian giant.

His relations with the Department of State will create the hoax that Duarte is actually a paid agent of it. During his American exile, and with the sponsorship of the Rockefeller Foundation, Duarte taught at the University of Montreal, where Laugier was a fellow too. To plan the trip, Goodwin has the help of Paulo Duarte, whose status as an external collaborator in the museum climbs a step thanks to this circumstance.

When the war in Europe ends and MoMA wishes to establish contacts with cultural institutions of the continent, Duarte offers to act as its itinerant representative in Portugal, Spain and also in France, where he has many contacts among the intellectuals and in the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique CNRS. The confidence is picked up by journalist Lluis Permanyer But the problem is that he was not appointed Vice Consul in Barcelona until , and in he resided beyond doubt in Brazil, where he joined only in the Itamaraty, the country's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Reus dates the letter towards the month of January or February of The realization of these pieces is a very slow process; because I suggest new techniques and also because fire intervenes with all the improvisations and unexpected things, we will still have work for quite some time. Basically that satisfies him, because in those moments he is absolutely accelerated with the technique: All my efforts are to reach pure magic, naked and miraculous. The collaboration with Artigas is perfect, it is full of this spirit of the Far East, which Rimbaud already felt.

The shipment of the temperas, ceramics and lithographs did not arrive in Philadelphia in a diplomatic pouch, which could only be addressed to the State Department, but as a simple package addressed to MoMA. Another proof that there was no diplomatic shipment is the fact that tariffs had to be paid to release the package from customs and that this took time.

Notas de viagem Artistic Spain. Travel Notes , which indicates that he had made trips through Spain in previous years. He has arrived just in time because we had just finished the last piece of ceramics. We will give you 5 jugs together with a sculpture and an object, in total 7 ceramic pieces I told to you some time ago that we were printing lithographs.

The letter is not written in English, a language in which they normally communicate, but in French, for which Duarte apologizes in the first line of the letter. Even so, he has consented to send twenty-two paintings to be exhibited in the Museum and that I am going to send you possibly through diplomatic channels.

They are completely unknown works, and only a handful of people in Spain have seen them Duarte adds a political note to confirm that the series has never been exposed and create a certain war drama, thinking that anti-fascism is still selling in the United Reus p. In my opinion, it was a question of attenuating the very clear impression of political oppression, of which artists do not escape either.

But if it did not do so, he encourages the museum to sell them if by chance buyers appear, setting a sale price: They do not say that if the objective of selling is not met, the gouaches must be given to Matisse, but that they can. In fact, the one that the painter gives to his wife, Morning Star, painted on March 16, , also belongs to the dealer. This stipulation in favor of the gallerist constitutes an acknowledgment by the painter of the claim that Matisse has on a part of the series, and is also an insurance not to break with him and be able to market it in case the museum is not in conditions to buy or sell the gouaches.

But in these cases they were pieces of much lower value than the gouaches, as was the case of the following exhibitions: These paintings should be exposed together; under no circumstances should they be separated from each other; 2. I believe that they must be exposed following a strict chronological order, which will explain my evolution and my state of mind; 3.

They should be framed with double glazing, so that one can see the title; 4. They should be framed in a very simple way, hanging on a simple white background and well separated from each other. Before framing, check carefully if there is any mold in some places, especially on black, due to the humidity of the trip.