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Guynn, dans SubStance , Bulletin codicologique , , p. DuBruck, dans Fifteenth Century Studies , 33, , p. Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire , 65, , p. Amanda Luyster, dans The Medieval Review , Oleff-Krafft, dans Encomia , 5, , p. Discute notamment de passages communs au Roman de la Rose et aux Lamentations de Matheolus. Bloch, dans MLN , 94, , p. Fleming, dans Speculum , 54, , p. Wathelet-Willem, dans Marche romane , 29, , p. Knapton, dans Romance Philology , 34, , p. Bleeth, dans Speculum , 47, , p.

Witke, dans Romance Philology , Friedman, dans Romance Philology , 35, , p. Jean Lacroix, dans Revue des langues romanes , Romanistisches Jahrbuch , 33, , p. Stone, dans The Medieval Review , Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, dans Scriptorium , 55, , p.

Le Pape François allume un incendie dans la chapelle Sixtine

Courtenay, dans Speculum , Beyers, dans Apocrypha , 16, , p. French Studies , 47, , p. Holmes, dans Manuscripta , 11, , p. Willard, dans Romance Philology , 22, , p. Critica letteraria , 8, , p. Beggiato, dans Cultura neolatina , 30, , p. Badel, dans Romance Philology , 26, , p. Paul Meyer, dans Romania , 2, , p. Hicks, dans Romania , , , p.

Clark, dans Journal of Medieval Latin , 5, , p. Alber Gier, dans Romanistiches Jahrbuch , 29, , p. Beer, dans Speculum , Burgess, dans Romance Philology , 34, , p. Richardot, Philippe, De re militari. Fabienne Pomel, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, , p. From Plato to Jean de Meun , Ph. Atti del Colloquio internazionale Bologna, ottobre , Quaderni di filologia romanza , 17, [], p. Le roman de la Rose Titre:. Li rommans de la Rose ms. Cologny, Bodmer, 79; Vatican, Reg.

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Les métamorphoses du droit : hommage à Jean-Marie Rainaud.

Remember me on this computer. However, Aiol makes it perfectly clear that he will disobey his sovereign only if he is helped by God: For Aiol, disobedience to the king can be justified only at God's command and with prayerful guidance ; it is a question not only of dialectical argumentation, but also of faith in its service. In the second part, when Aiol's two compagnons return from their diplomatic mission to Pamplona without Aiol who has elected to stay behind , the King suspects them of assassination v.

When Louis finally tries to do justice, his attempt results paradoxically in a. Vance has discussed Chretien's episode in terms of dialectical argumentation in From Topic to Tale, p. Ehe has an important verbal allusion to Erec et Enide in Rosamonde's abbreviated identification of Galopin's stoutheartedness despite his small size v. The king's misguided justice is ultimately corrected upon Aiol's return to court v.

When Hunbaut offers hospitality to Aiol and then discovers that Aiol is the enemy of his own treacherous lord, a member of Macaire's family, Hunbaut resolves to break all traditions of hospitality and to betray his guest. Ironically, the usurer will commit treason to help his friend and harm his enemy. Hunbaut informs his wife of his decision and forces her, upon threat of death at the point of his sword, to promise not to warn Aiol of the impending deed.

Esmeraude's dilemma of course duplicates and amplifies Aiol's earlier predicament. Esmeraude must determine whether to obey and help the enemy, her own husband, thereby harming a friend, her lord, or to disobey and harm the enemy to help a friend Being noble, she religiously respects the formality of her oath, although made under duress, by first vowing to do penance, then breaking the oath, as she must, to seek justice and flee injustice: Yet another and potentially more serious variation occurs later in the same part, when the couple's son, who has been knighted by Aiol and whose spirit and nature are noble despite the base nature of his usurer bourgeois father, must uphold his lord Aiol and renounce his bond with his father because of the latter's evil nature and actions v.

Because the oath is taken upon sacred relics, the couple is faithfully bound to observe it: They cannot disobey, even though doing so would be to bring about justice. It is important to realize the significance of the element of faith once again in relation to this poem's dialectical argumentation of privative contraries.

Aiol's earlier prayerful disobedience of the king's order, Esmeraude's decision is predicated on asking God's forgiveness and on the reconciliation to be brought about by penitanche. The fourth example of argumentation concerning justice and injustice occurs in the poem's concluding fourth part.

The couple who rescue Aiol's children in the face of Macaire's unjust attempt to kill them, commit their own injustice from an excess of love. Because they love the children so deeply, Thierri and Aye selfishly and unjustly keep the truth of the children's identity from the boys and from Aiol, their grieving father who believes they have died. Moreover, the couple withholds the key to the truth, a written document prepared at Thierry's request by his uncle Gui, a learned canon of the church, who originally wrote down the facts of the rescue as Thierry related them v.

In withholding the text and the truth it contains, the couple cause a misguided deprivation of justice, similar to that of the king in the second part of the poem, which only they have the means to redress ; this is an act to which the poet makes reference three separate times v. The couple ultimately rectify their injustice of their own volition, from compassion for Aiol's intense suffering v. Privative contraries have been explored in all four parts of the work in the problematic but everyday contexts of the nature of the relationship of sovereign and subject, vassal and lord, wife and husband, son and father.

In each case, logic is brought to bear on the sociopolitical institutions of monarchy, social class, marriage and the family, and in every instance the poet demonstrates that the cause of justice in the service of the faith must be upheld, whatever the consequences might be. Not one of these dramatic and potentially socially destructive courses of conduct can be taken lightly or without careful consideration of its ethical implications ; nor can these actions be undertaken with recourse to memorized platitudes or proverbial wisdom, or even accepted social norms.

Rather, dialectical argumentation, the discernment of universal truth, and above all the integrity of religious orthodoxy must be practiced and ultimately lead to the correct choices and to proper, judicious governance. Under the pen of the poet or poets of the cycle, dialectical argumentation comes alive ; neither a playful. The poem states that the written sealed document attests, no matter when or where it might be read, to the truth ; but all depends upon human will to deliver the document into competent hands.

It must be unsealed, read and disseminated for the truth of its contents to be effective. The document is initially written by a cleric and is ultimately unsealed and read by a cleric, the emperor's chapelain v. The couple's ethical dilemma is a subtle variation on that of Aiol and Mirabel in the episode of the oath. The most interesting instance of the exploration of privative contraries in the poem is the ethical dilemma faced by Aiol when he fights against and defeats the Count of Bourges who is paradoxically struggling for justice and the vindication of Aiol's own family against the king's injustice Aiol's reaction upon learning that the defeated enemy is his cousin and his family's friend is one of utter shock and horror ; his ethical dilemma is grave, because the count's punishment death would entail for Aiol injustice and a mortal sin.

The poet deliberately draws attention to the artistry of the disputado by an authorial intervention directly addressing the auditors at what seems to be an incongruous point, thus signalling its allusive nature. He reminds them that some start a narrative or argumentation but are unsuccessful in bringing it to closure because they do not know all of the facts, and they lack the appropriate skills in argumentation: Elie tests his son's memory during his initial castoiement by first telling him to serve the king faithfully, and then advising him to seek the help of the Count of Bourges, his relative.

Aiol wisely remembers that the king is the most noble of his relatives and says that he will serve him and not the count v. It is without knowing the Count's identity and relationship that Aiol defeats him while fighting for Louis. The poet's verses repeat Elie's test of memory for the listener-reader in v. However, Aiol's own action upon learning the true identity of the knight he has captured shows exactly what he would do: Aiol then adds that he will either bring about an agreement or he will defend the count's life v.

Freudian studies such as Sarah Kay's and M. Mancini's of these passages are of fascinating psychological interest, and they reinforce the Boethian tradition of the psychological import of dialectical argumentation as it functions in the construction of such episodes.

See Sarah Kay, op. The situation of such a man is analogous to that of a foolish or mad person and is not unlike that of the Count of Bourges who began his war but could not and should not bring his rebellion to a successful end. The situation is also like that of the King himself, who illogically and unreasonably had commanded that no knight could leave the city to do battle. The identical verb issir used first by Aiol v. The poet and his personage have the appropriate skills of disputado ; Aiol's reasoned resolution is a demonstration of the efficacity in courtly politics of dialectical argumentation.

The youth brings about a reconciliation, a theme to which the poem repeatedly has recourse, as Aiol advises the king in a skillful consilium and argument that he should not unjustly mistreat his noble barons and vassals but rather should justly value and reward properly their love and service:. Aiol makes it clear to the king that his duty in governance lies on the side of justice, and his argumentation convinces the king and saves both the Count's life and Aiol's honor. The poet insists that the reader-listener does not know the true identity of this Count and that few jongleurs would recognize the true estoire:.

Signor, chis gentiex quens que je vos di, Dont ne saves qu'il fu ne dont il vint. Poi est de jougleor[s] quil vous desist: II ne sevent l'estoire ne n'ont apris ; De chou sont li auquant molt escarni Et li plussor s'en font por fol tenir, Quant le verai[e] estoire n'en ont coisi.


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The historical antecedent of the literary or epic figure of Elie is traditionally identified as Helias, the last Count of Maine and one of the most illustrious ancestors of the House of Flanders, of whom Geoffrei Gaimar, Orderic Vitalis and Wace all wrote with varying degrees of warm approval The great-grandfather of Jeanne of Flanders' great-uncle, Count. The History of the English Kings, 2 1.

For Orderic's account, see below. The SATF editors of Aiol understood that the historical antecedent of Elie was Helias, because they recognized that the reference in Baudouin d'Avesnes' Chronicle related the epic characters of Elie and Aiol to the historical Helias p. Gaston Paris rejected the identification as merely homonymie and lacking evidence and hypothesized that the prototype for Elie's character was instead a famous but unattested hero, Julien de Saint Gille, related to Narbonne. The genealogical reference of Baudouin d'Avesnes' Chronicle confirms the historical background in thirteenth-century reception of the material.

According to Latouche, Orderic made several errors in the genealogy of the Count of Maine ; Latouche provides a synopsis of the corrected genealogy. Helias purchased his title of Count. Robert was the life-long persecutor of the Manceaux and the perpetrator of the exhere- dration of Helias. The allusion in Aiol is almost certainly to a similar passage in Orderic Vitalis which describes a famous scene in which Helias convinces Robert to drop his rebellion against the king: The historical and literary parallels are striking: Finally, it is of further interest to the Anglo-Norman context of the poem that Helias wed, in a brief and childless second marriage just before his death, Agnes, the daughter of Guillaume VIII, duke of Aquitaine and grandfather of Henry II's wife, Eleanor.


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In , Helias purchased his title as hereditary Count of Maine from his aforementioned cousin Hugh of Lombardy who feared the disruptive violence of the Manceaux and sought to return to his lands in the South. The description and account of the negotiations are given in Orderic, op.

It is impossible to determine whether Orderic was influenced by the epic topos of the cowardice of the Lombards or if he is one of the first to refer toit. In a geste concerned with disputatio and dynasty, the allusion to Orderic's depiction of Helias is of genealogical, political, and ethical significance. In Orderic's account, it is Helias, the.

Although Aiol is not yet a recognized magnate in this episode, he is nonetheless the king's nephew and son of his former seneschal ; because of Aiol's victory in ending the war for the king, the latter designates him in this episode as the most important person in the kingdom v.

Compare Alain de Lille's explanation, nearly contemporaneous with the geste, which is very similar to Frappier's concept: Orderic's interest in contemporary chivalry and exemplary knights is well-attested, particularly in regard to Helias: Helias is portrayed as the familiar is of Henry I Beauclerc and as a ruler esteemed by the celebrated poet and distinguished churchman Hildebert of Lavardin, Bishop of Le Mans and Archbishop of Tours, who was in close relation with Helias' court and wrote Helias' epitaph From the genealogical perspective, Helias' only daughter and heiress Eremburg married Fouque V le Jeune, Count of Anjou who later became King of Jerusalem , thereby definitively joining Maine to the County of Anjou The level of intellectual attainment of the magnates of the closely-connected Anglo-Norman and Flemish courts was undoubtedly quite high both before and during the period with which the geste is associated.

Geoffrey engaged, among many tutors, Guillaume de Conches for his son Henry during the period of 1 Henry was also educated during extended visits to the court of his maternal uncle, Henry I's illegitimate son Robert Earl of Gloucester, another celebrated and erudite magnate. Henry II's grammaticus or tutor of grammar had been the tutor of Geoffrey's sisters Matilda and Sibyl of Anjou, mother of Philippe of Flanders ; this tutor later became the chancellor of Eleanor of Aquitaine.

The connections between Flanders and the Anglo-Norman Empire at this time went far beyond economic and political ties ; see Gaston G. Ties between Philippe and his first cousin Henry II were close, with the exception of the period immediately following the assassination of Becket until Henry II's expiation, and remained especially close during the first two years of the reign of Jeanne and Ferrand.

During the crises preceding Bouvines for example, William Longsword natural son of Henry II and Rosamonde Clifford and probably the baron to whom Marie de France dedicated her fables rushed to Flanders on behalf of his half-brother, King John, to the assistance of Ferrand and defeated the attacking fleet of Philippe Auguste who was forced to burn his remaining vessels in an angry rage to prevent them from falling into enemy hands. The result was the destruction of the French monarch's naval force.

Ferrand, who had been closely connected with the French court, was considered at the time of the wedding to be pro-French. Mathilda's own marriage to Philippe of Alsace had been arranged politically and financially by Philippe's first cousin, Henry II.

Jean de Meun

Gabrielle Spiegel has stressed this insistence of the northeastern barons on their. Although it is always difficult to interpret authorial intention, in the case of Elie and Aiol it is not altogether impossible to discern at least part of the authorial intention behind this emphasis on Helias. Helias' argumentation in Orderic's account rests, then, on precisely the same dialectical truth of privative contraries on which Aiol is based.

From a political perspective, a politically ideological intent is certainly not out of the question. If the poem were performed for the opulent Paris. William of Malmesbury, op. Elie's mid-point picture discussed above alludes to Roland's carrying of Olivier ; Brault's analysis of the latter saw it as allusive to the portrayal of the Good Shepherd. Omnis enim qui ueritati resistit iusticiaeque: This emphasis corresponded to the political interests of the increasingly powerful English faction of the Flemish court and both elevated Flanders' political position and stressed traditional genealogical and political connections with the Anglo-Normans at a time of rising tensions between the growing northern coalition and the French king, tensions which were to culminate some eighteen months later in the momentous battle of Bouvines.

Wace's Roman de Rou ends with the Battle of Tinchebray and with Helias' contribution to the great victory of the king's coalition. Connected to an Anglo-Norman context, the poems can be seen as an attempt to strengthen Anglo-Norman and Flemish relations and to remind the listeners of the powerful coalition under Helias' leadership that won the final victory at Tinchebray. This contribution was on-going. Poems like the geste de Saint Gille were intended as gifts to commemorate and celebrate great courtly feasts and community occasions like Jeanne's politically strategic marriage ; both the poems and the codices which contained them were seen as symbols of power, prestige and wealth They were also instruments for the on-going teaching of members of the noble court in matters of ethics and secular governance, just as Elie' s opening miniature pictures the disputado teaching the court.

In conclusion, each of the twenty-seven episodes of AioFs four parts can be shown to develop in some variation an ethical consideration about the privative contraries of justice and injustice applied to governance and to.

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See Felicity Riddy ed. The literary continuity and powerful literary influence of the House of Flanders are notable ; it is significant that at the court of Jeanne of Flanders, continuations were commissioned of Chretien's Perceval, which had originally been commissioned by Philippe, Jeanne's great-uncle. Those continuations most clearly associated with Jeanne's court were, as Elie and Aiol, what might be considered as conservative examples of early thirteenth-century verse narrative with a strictly orthodox bent.

Le Pape François allume un incendie dans la chapelle Sixtine — Religioblog

It is also significant that the House of Flanders continued throughout the thirteenth century to support and commission the rewriting of traditional chansons de geste by poets such as Adenet le Roi, an affirmation of the kind of estoire advocated by Elie's poet. For a discussion of Chretien's popularity and the dominance of the Perceval in lasting tradition, see David Huit, Manuscript Transmission, Reception, and Canon Formation: Without the consideration of the visual allusions of the illuminations along with their rubrics, the concommitant verbal allusions to the literary tradition giving rise to the poems have gone virtually unnoticed.

Episodes have tended to be viewed in a partial or fragmentary way and in relation to motifs or themes, rather than as a part of the formal dialectical argumentation which deeply informs the poetics of rewriting the chanson de geste