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Israel, Palestine, and the quest for Middle East peace in SearchWorks catalog
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Our Day return guarantee still applies. Bookseller Completion Rate This reflects the percentage of orders the seller has received and filled. Israel moved just 8, people from Gaza in ; from then on, the Israeli right has devoted itself to preventing another so-called expulsion. A Muslim man walks by the "separation barrier" in East Jerusalem on November 27, Activists, scholars, and pundits — especially those who have observed the territorial realities closely — have been seeking a new vision from both sides of the political divide for some years.
They have mapped out paths, like alternate routes on a GPS to a destination just over the horizon, whose contours are not yet visible. In the quest for alternatives to the traditional two-state solution, many terms are being thrown around, generating mostly confusion. The shared goal of the right is Jewish Israeli control, for the sake of cultural dominance and religious fulfillment.
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There was once another reason, too. By contrast, the primary shared goal of the left — including Jews and Palestinians — is ending the half-century military occupation through political independence for Palestinians. Whether this happens through one state or two is a point of internal disagreement; so is the question of Palestinian refugee claims going back to But all agree on the need to end military occupation and achieve political rights.
With these distinctions in mind, it becomes easier to characterize the different plans proposing alternatives to two states. A federation or confederation between Israel and Jordan implies Israeli control of all territory between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River; it is a right-wing vision for Jewish Israeli control of the land Palestinians claim as their state.
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The same is true of the one-state model for Israel and the West Bank, in which Palestinians would be unequal to Israelis. Plans or statements supporting annexation while denying Palestinians full citizenship and civil rights have been proposed in detail by a radical right-wing parliamentarian from the Jewish Home party, Bezalel Smotrich, who is also a deputy speaker of the Knesset. The Likud lawmaker Miki Zohar proposed similar ideas in a television interview.
But the incident shows how this once extreme approach is creeping into the mainstream. The law is currently being challenged in the Supreme Court. However, other than the little-read plans published by Bennett and his party member Smotrich, the right has been somewhat reticent about formal annexation programs, focusing more on political slogans. For four years, an annual conference devoted to Israeli sovereignty led by settlers has attracted a range of right-wingers, including government ministers.
On my recent visit to the Jewish community of Hebron, two settlers displayed mild disagreement about whether Palestinians should have the right to vote if Israel became sovereign in the area: One preferred that they not have the right to vote, while another felt confident allowing it — convinced that most Palestinians would not exercise the right.
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Yet his policies have led to the creeping de facto annexation of Area C and the deepening fragmentation of Palestinian territory and society. Like puzzle pieces jutting into one another, the lines exist, but the pieces must come together for a coherent picture to emerge. Jerusalem, the proverbial microcosm, makes this clear. Dividing the city would be a massive economic blow. But the Palestinian political stigma against voting in Jerusalem is fading among younger generations. Few on either side want to divide the city. Only around 25 percent of the public on both sides accepts the division of Jerusalem, as recorded in the December survey.
Accordingly, the newer left-leaning peace ideas still seek the right dosage of separation, in deference to national identities. But recognizing the economic and social dangers, or the impossibility, of ripping the sides apart, they are also testing dosages of togetherness. Some plans foster physical and political integration, while others retain a structure of separation. Federation is a plan for integration. The United States and Germany are federations: Indeed, the only government shared by Greek and Turkish Cypriots lasted just three years before it collapsed in Negotiations in Cyprus that began in have failed for 50 years.
The inability to agree on a new formula for sharing power in a single government has stymied any resolution.
This approach raises considerable legal, ethical, and practical problems, but beyond those, neither side truly wishes to blend people and cultures in a common physical space. Israeli soldiers stand on bulldozed farm land as they watch as Palestinian, Israeli and foreign peace activists protest the building of the Israeli separation barrier in the West Bank village of Walajeh in August An Israeli-Palestinian confederation, by contrast, would start with the building blocks of two separate and territorially defined independent states.